Source: http://www.nrk.no/nyheter/verden/1.7991838
See the original link for Sidsel Wold’s own photos of daily life in Iran.
- Michael Jackson's death devastated the green spring
We are sitting at an undisclosed location in Tehran, three young Iranian men in their twenties and me.
- Michael Jackson's death devastated the green spring, Babak sighs. A quiet nodding goes around the table in the café's darkest corner.
ABOUT NAMING AND use of pictures
Fearing trouble with the regime the three men in this article only wanted to reveal their first names. They did not want to be photographed.
The owner of the cafe also would not risk trouble by openly allowing Western journalists to do interviews in his premises.
The atmosphere is strained.
All three have just told me that they would prefer to leave Iran. That they see no future here now.
Babak has visited the British Consulate for two years to ask for a residence permit, but in vain.
Want the neighbour to rebel
- I just want to leave this country. I am desperately trying to get away from here, says Babak, who hopes to take a PhD abroad.
Borna would prefer to go to Europe or Canada, but not forever. He hopes that Iran will undergo changes while he lives abroad.
The others laugh. For here we are at the core. Everyone seems to want the neighbour to rebel.
Are dissatisfied Iranians not ready to go out into the streets themselves, as the Syrians do? I ask.
This was how the uprising after the controversial counting after the presidential election in 2009 ended.
When the Basij militia began using sharp ammunition on people in the streets, the protesters stayed at home.
In Iran, I'm trying to figure out what had become of the green movement and where all the students who participated are now.
Some have travelled abroad. Others continue with their lives and hope for the best.
Several are sitting in cafes like these young men, being depressed.
Not enough to lose yet
All shake their heads over the blood bath in Syria. It is cruel.
- Assad cannot survive this. Eventually, all dictators will fall, Borna thinks.
- We Iranians are somewhere between Syria and Europe, says Sina.
- We do not have enough to lose yet, so we do not demonstrate with our lives on the stake, as the Syrians are doing. But we're not as civilized as the Europeans, he says.
- Do you dream of a good future in Iran? I ask.
- Maam, I am just hopeless just now, Babak repeats sorrowful.
- We all live in social depression, says the three.
- Have no Mandela
One of them is an accountant, the other a musician, the third an engineer.
They are in their prime of life and an example of the brain drain that has afflicted the Islamic Republic for decades, but that reached a new peak after the 2009 elections.
But change will come, they believe. The collective depression here cannot continue as it is now.
Sina does not want a revolution, just reforms. Babak believes it is appropriate to impose sanctions on Iran in order to put pressure on the mullah regime.
- But the sanctions also affect the people. It has become dangerous to fly now. Iranian aircrafts cannot find spare parts, and are often affected by technical errors.
- I wish Russia and China did not support us. It would be better to be completely isolated, and force a crisis that would lead to a change.
- If sanctions were imposed like in South Africa? Asks Sina as to vent the thought.
- No, we have no Mandela. Our hope for change and reform has no leader.
- A warning for the regime
What do the three think about the Arab spring?
- The Arab uprising is a warning to the Iranian regime. Sina says.
- The Arab spring does not help me, Babak interrupts.
- Why did the West not help us in 2009, when the uprising began here? We were at it, but then Michael Jackson destroyed everything. When he died the world press went out of its wits and broadcasted nothing else. The world forgot Iran altogether. Why did Michael Jackson die just when we finally stood up against the regime? Borna sighs.
They look down at the table. Sina lights another cigarette.
We have to go. It is clear that neither the guests in the cafe nor the owner feel comfortable with the presence of foreign journalists.
When we walked out it was like a sigh of relief closed the door behind us.
Showing posts with label Green movement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Green movement. Show all posts
9 February 2012
Darkness at noon – A report from Iran by NRK’s correspondent Sidsel Wold
Source http://www.nrk.no/nyheter/verden/1.7987844
(See the original page for Sidsel Wold’s own photos from Iran, as I do not want to copy them here.)
Sidsel Wold was met with fear, rejection and blocked websites in Iran
NRK's Sidsel Wold just returned to Tehran, two and a half years since her last visit. She found a quite different and gloomier place, where everyone was afraid and no one opened their mouth.
(See the original page for Sidsel Wold’s own photos from Iran, as I do not want to copy them here.)
Sidsel Wold was met with fear, rejection and blocked websites in Iran
NRK's Sidsel Wold just returned to Tehran, two and a half years since her last visit. She found a quite different and gloomier place, where everyone was afraid and no one opened their mouth.
With the shawl pulled over her head NRK’s former Middle East correspondent went back to Tehran to report from one of the world’s most combustible areas. There she met closed doors, frightened people and blocked websites.
In this article Sidsel Wold shares her experiences from six days in Tehran with the readers.
Wold’s title for her story from Iran, "Darkness at noon", is not randomly chosen.
It is the same title as Arthur Koestler's famous novel from 1940, where he reveals the horrors of Stalinism in the Soviet Union.
Sidsel Wold was a tour guide in the Soviet Union when she was young, and she draws this comparison when she describes today's Iran.
Finally I was going to Iran again!
After two years of visits and tea drinking in the Iranian Embassy in Oslo, I was able to collect my prize: The press visa.
In this article Sidsel Wold shares her experiences from six days in Tehran with the readers.
Wold’s title for her story from Iran, "Darkness at noon", is not randomly chosen.
It is the same title as Arthur Koestler's famous novel from 1940, where he reveals the horrors of Stalinism in the Soviet Union.
Sidsel Wold was a tour guide in the Soviet Union when she was young, and she draws this comparison when she describes today's Iran.
Darkness at noon
Finally I was going to Iran again!
After two years of visits and tea drinking in the Iranian Embassy in Oslo, I was able to collect my prize: The press visa.
But in the weeks prior to departure I strongly felt that Tehran had become a different and gloomier place.
The last time I was in this metropolis of 14 million people was during the elections in 2009.
In the days before the polling stations opened, a green Iranian spring blossomed. People were out in the streets screaming and shouting out their opinion. Most of them demanded reforms.
The Opposition’s presidential candidates, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, were likely to do well.
But when the votes were counted, another man was the election’s big winner: President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
Closed the ancient Persia
In Tehran's streets the news was met with shock and disappointment. And much anger.
It was not long before hundreds of thousands protested in the streets against an election result they believed to be manipulated.
After several days of mass demonstrations, the Basij militia went from beating with clubs, to shooting with sharp ammunition. The Basijs are paramilitary hooligans who are paid by the regime to beat up citizens who create unrest.
Several people were shot and killed in broad daylight. One was the 16-year-old Neda, the icon of the regime's brutal use of force against young Iranians.
Right after Iran's disputed election count, the regime closed the country to foreign news agencies.
Since then there has hardly been any Western journalists there. Darkness descended on the ancient Persia.
Pulled the shawl over my hair
To return to Iran was a dream. The Iranians are a great and proud people that we should listen to.
In my opinion, the demonization of the entire Iran because of the acrimonious dispute with the West is unfortunate.
So I pulled the shawl over my hair, and began to work to show other sides of the country.
Need permission to film
I was happy when I finally could walk through the door to Ivansahars premises.
Ivansahar is a media agency we have worked with several times in the past, because journalists cannot work here quite the way we want to.
We need permission to film, and Ivansahar also sets up interview appointments for us.
One month prior to departure, I had sent my booking request list:
Something was wrong
But when I came into the office I realized that something was wrong. The lights were out, only one employee was left.
They had fired their three employees, and the boss had left Iran. Since no press people get a visa to Iran anymore, they had partially closed down the office.
But now Ivansahars sole employee had only NRK to deal with, so I was optimistic.
NRK blocked – Yr open
In the small hotel Karoon internet was quite OK, except that NRK, Dagbladet, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and BBC was blocked.
I could read Tehran Times, Iran's Press TV, Aftenposten, VG-nett and yr.no. *
And with Yahoo, I could send home both radio material and mail.
- Western Zionist media
Then the days went by without any interview appointments.
Several times a day I called Ivansahar. Had we been given permission? Appointments?
- No, unfortunately. Or: Noone answers. Or: The answer is no.
The family of a liquidated nuclear physicist replied that they do not speak to Western Zionist media.
Could only film our own cakes
Day after day we moved at a snail's pace, caught in Tehran's eternal traffic jams.
Since the appointments did not materialize, we had to try and ask for filming permission ourselves, in shops, cafes etc.
When we finally arrived, we were often given the same answer: No, you cannot film here.
A cafe owner said that yes indeed, we could film at his place later in the day when there were more people around the tables.
But when we came in with the camera, the mood quickly changed. The cafe guests became restless, they looked anxiously around as if a storm was approaching.
The only thing we were able to film there was our own slices of cake and coffee cups.
Voices disappeared and silenced
Before 2009 we had at least two, often three to four appointments each day. We filmed in cafes, in shopping centres, and could interview people without problems.
Before 2009 an interpreter took me to the regime-critical journalist Issa Saharkiz, the reformists Ali Abtahi and the dissident Ibrahim Yazdi.
- Why do you take me to these critics? I asked the interpreter, who obviously was engaged by Iran's ministry of culture and Islamic guidance.
- Because it is important to show the range of opinions here, so you get the whole picture, said the interpreter.
Another exciting source was Sayed Hussein Adeli, former ambassador of Iran in the United Kingdom.
Now all four of them were out of reach. Their voices are silenced and vanished.
Saharkiz is in prison. Abtahi was imprisoned, then turned up on TV 15-20 kilos lighter admitting that he had been wrong.
Ibrahim Yazdi, aged 81, was imprisoned after 2009, and later put under house arrest. Adeli has not given interviews in two years, I was told. All four participated in the Islamic revolution in 1979.
Yazdi was even with Ayatollah Khomeini on the historic flight from Paris to Tehran after the Shah's fall.
Now they are all gagged. The revolution seems to eat its own children.
The Street, The Grand Bazaar and the ski slopes
During the week we only received three permissions:
Became nervous myself
We also had some luck. One day, an Iranian television reporter came over to us on the street.
His team filmed us, as if he wanted to show the viewers of the Iranian state TV channel IRIB that, yes, here is full press freedom for western journalists.
But when he wanted to interview me, I quickly said that we had to interview him instead.
Of course, smiled the confident, smiling man; of course, we could interview him.
I was nervous at the thought of being interviewed by Iranian TV. Because I did not want to say what I really mean.
And I realized why so few would talk to NRK ...
Memories from the USSR
When I was young I worked as a tour guide in the USSR. Memories from that time resurfaced now.
Like the Soviets, the Iranians are also afraid to speak now. Some wrote on a sheet of paper instead of talking for fear of spies or microphones.
It was like a clammy hand had tightened its grip on the entire community.
Everyone wants U.S. dollars
And then there was the money riyal. During the Soviet era the rubel was a non-convertible currency.
Everyone wanted only the great Satan’s money: The dollar.
At the Imam Khomeini International Airport, I experienced the same thing:
I wanted to exchange my Iranian riyals, which are not convertible in the West any more.
Because of inflation the Iranian currency had so many zeros that I no longer understand any of them, and I wanted to exchange them. But no, the banks at the airport did not want them back.
- Why do you not want your own money, I asked annoyed.
- Only those with Iranian passports can exchange riyal, was the answer.
The Western world is boycotting the Iranian central bank. So maybe this is tit for tat...
* Dagbladet, Aftenposten and VG are Norwegian newspapers. YR.no is the popular Norwegian weather forecast-site.
The last time I was in this metropolis of 14 million people was during the elections in 2009.
In the days before the polling stations opened, a green Iranian spring blossomed. People were out in the streets screaming and shouting out their opinion. Most of them demanded reforms.
The Opposition’s presidential candidates, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, were likely to do well.
But when the votes were counted, another man was the election’s big winner: President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
Closed the ancient Persia
In Tehran's streets the news was met with shock and disappointment. And much anger.
It was not long before hundreds of thousands protested in the streets against an election result they believed to be manipulated.
After several days of mass demonstrations, the Basij militia went from beating with clubs, to shooting with sharp ammunition. The Basijs are paramilitary hooligans who are paid by the regime to beat up citizens who create unrest.
Several people were shot and killed in broad daylight. One was the 16-year-old Neda, the icon of the regime's brutal use of force against young Iranians.
Right after Iran's disputed election count, the regime closed the country to foreign news agencies.
Since then there has hardly been any Western journalists there. Darkness descended on the ancient Persia.
Pulled the shawl over my hair
To return to Iran was a dream. The Iranians are a great and proud people that we should listen to.
In my opinion, the demonization of the entire Iran because of the acrimonious dispute with the West is unfortunate.
So I pulled the shawl over my hair, and began to work to show other sides of the country.
Need permission to film
I was happy when I finally could walk through the door to Ivansahars premises.
Ivansahar is a media agency we have worked with several times in the past, because journalists cannot work here quite the way we want to.
We need permission to film, and Ivansahar also sets up interview appointments for us.
One month prior to departure, I had sent my booking request list:
- Film in a bank, and talk to the bank manager about the currency crisis.
- Talk with a family about how the sanctions affect their daily lives.
- Talk to nuclear physicists about how the liquidation of their peers has influenced them.
- Talk to MPs about possible sanctions against the EU.
- Visit friends of former prime minister Mossadeq who was overthrown by CIA and British intelligence in 1953.
- Interview analysts and economists.
- If possible: talk to people from the green movement ...?
- Take pictures in slalom slopes.
Something was wrong
But when I came into the office I realized that something was wrong. The lights were out, only one employee was left.
They had fired their three employees, and the boss had left Iran. Since no press people get a visa to Iran anymore, they had partially closed down the office.
But now Ivansahars sole employee had only NRK to deal with, so I was optimistic.
NRK blocked – Yr open
In the small hotel Karoon internet was quite OK, except that NRK, Dagbladet, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and BBC was blocked.
I could read Tehran Times, Iran's Press TV, Aftenposten, VG-nett and yr.no. *
And with Yahoo, I could send home both radio material and mail.
- Western Zionist media
Then the days went by without any interview appointments.
Several times a day I called Ivansahar. Had we been given permission? Appointments?
- No, unfortunately. Or: Noone answers. Or: The answer is no.
The family of a liquidated nuclear physicist replied that they do not speak to Western Zionist media.
Could only film our own cakes
Day after day we moved at a snail's pace, caught in Tehran's eternal traffic jams.
Since the appointments did not materialize, we had to try and ask for filming permission ourselves, in shops, cafes etc.
When we finally arrived, we were often given the same answer: No, you cannot film here.
A cafe owner said that yes indeed, we could film at his place later in the day when there were more people around the tables.
But when we came in with the camera, the mood quickly changed. The cafe guests became restless, they looked anxiously around as if a storm was approaching.
The only thing we were able to film there was our own slices of cake and coffee cups.
Voices disappeared and silenced
Before 2009 we had at least two, often three to four appointments each day. We filmed in cafes, in shopping centres, and could interview people without problems.
Before 2009 an interpreter took me to the regime-critical journalist Issa Saharkiz, the reformists Ali Abtahi and the dissident Ibrahim Yazdi.
- Why do you take me to these critics? I asked the interpreter, who obviously was engaged by Iran's ministry of culture and Islamic guidance.
- Because it is important to show the range of opinions here, so you get the whole picture, said the interpreter.
Another exciting source was Sayed Hussein Adeli, former ambassador of Iran in the United Kingdom.
Now all four of them were out of reach. Their voices are silenced and vanished.
Saharkiz is in prison. Abtahi was imprisoned, then turned up on TV 15-20 kilos lighter admitting that he had been wrong.
Ibrahim Yazdi, aged 81, was imprisoned after 2009, and later put under house arrest. Adeli has not given interviews in two years, I was told. All four participated in the Islamic revolution in 1979.
Yazdi was even with Ayatollah Khomeini on the historic flight from Paris to Tehran after the Shah's fall.
Now they are all gagged. The revolution seems to eat its own children.
The Street, The Grand Bazaar and the ski slopes
During the week we only received three permissions:
- To film in the street and in the bazaar.
- To film in the slopes.
- To interview the spokesman for the Iranian Foreign Ministry.
Became nervous myself
We also had some luck. One day, an Iranian television reporter came over to us on the street.
His team filmed us, as if he wanted to show the viewers of the Iranian state TV channel IRIB that, yes, here is full press freedom for western journalists.
But when he wanted to interview me, I quickly said that we had to interview him instead.
Of course, smiled the confident, smiling man; of course, we could interview him.
I was nervous at the thought of being interviewed by Iranian TV. Because I did not want to say what I really mean.
And I realized why so few would talk to NRK ...
Memories from the USSR
When I was young I worked as a tour guide in the USSR. Memories from that time resurfaced now.
Like the Soviets, the Iranians are also afraid to speak now. Some wrote on a sheet of paper instead of talking for fear of spies or microphones.
It was like a clammy hand had tightened its grip on the entire community.
Everyone wants U.S. dollars
And then there was the money riyal. During the Soviet era the rubel was a non-convertible currency.
Everyone wanted only the great Satan’s money: The dollar.
At the Imam Khomeini International Airport, I experienced the same thing:
I wanted to exchange my Iranian riyals, which are not convertible in the West any more.
Because of inflation the Iranian currency had so many zeros that I no longer understand any of them, and I wanted to exchange them. But no, the banks at the airport did not want them back.
- Why do you not want your own money, I asked annoyed.
- Only those with Iranian passports can exchange riyal, was the answer.
The Western world is boycotting the Iranian central bank. So maybe this is tit for tat...
* Dagbladet, Aftenposten and VG are Norwegian newspapers. YR.no is the popular Norwegian weather forecast-site.
14 November 2011
Nine months in house arrest
Today the leaders of Iran’s Green opposition movement, Mir Hussein Mousavi, his wife Zarah Rahnavard and Mehdi Karroubi, have spent exactly nine months under strict house arrest.
In the beginning Karroubi’s wife, Fatemeh, was also kept under house arrest. She was however temporarily released this summer due to health problems. As far as I know she is now back in house arrest again.
In the beginning Karroubi’s wife, Fatemeh, was also kept under house arrest. She was however temporarily released this summer due to health problems. As far as I know she is now back in house arrest again.
28 February 2011
Live blogging #10Esfand (1 March) protests in Iran
The blogs listed below are following the 10 Esfand (1 March) protets in Iran live.
Protests are scheduled for 5 pm in Tehran. Protests in other cities have also been announced.
My live-blogger Twitter list also gives easy access to reliable news from Iran.
Iran News Now (Dave Siavashi and James Miller)
Dissected News (James Miller)
Tehran Bureau (Dan Geist, Josh Shahryar, Homylafayette, TB staff and correspondents)
Protests are scheduled for 5 pm in Tehran. Protests in other cities have also been announced.
My live-blogger Twitter list also gives easy access to reliable news from Iran.
Iran News Now (Dave Siavashi and James Miller)
Dissected News (James Miller)
Tehran Bureau (Dan Geist, Josh Shahryar, Homylafayette, TB staff and correspondents)
Enduring America (Scott Lucas, James Miller)
BBC Persian (farsi)
RAHANA News Agency (farsi)
MARDOMAK liveblog (farsi)
Homylafayette: 10 Esfand Scrapbook (english)
Rahekargar (farsi)
BBC Persian (farsi)
RAHANA News Agency (farsi)
MARDOMAK liveblog (farsi)
Homylafayette: 10 Esfand Scrapbook (english)
Rahekargar (farsi)
Please use the comment field to notify me of other blogs.
.
Latest news on the detention of opposition leaders Mousavi and Karroubi and their spouses
A few open ended live blogs are following the detention of the opposistion figures closely. Please follow these for updated and reliable news:
Enduring America (James Miller for EA)
Dissected News (James Miller)
Iran News Now (Dave Siavashi)
Demonstrations are planned in Iran every Tuesday until the Iranian New year, ie. March 1, March 8, March 15 (10 Esfand, 17 Esfand, 24 Esfand)
After the confirmed arrest of the two opposition leaders, reports from Iran tell of anger and determination. The reignition of the Green movement we saw on 25 Bahman and 1 Esfand will has brought the Iranian people back on the streets. Tune in for tomorrows live blogs.
Enduring America (James Miller for EA)
Dissected News (James Miller)
Iran News Now (Dave Siavashi)
Demonstrations are planned in Iran every Tuesday until the Iranian New year, ie. March 1, March 8, March 15 (10 Esfand, 17 Esfand, 24 Esfand)
After the confirmed arrest of the two opposition leaders, reports from Iran tell of anger and determination. The reignition of the Green movement we saw on 25 Bahman and 1 Esfand will has brought the Iranian people back on the streets. Tune in for tomorrows live blogs.
BREAKING NEWS - Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi & Spouses Arrested & Transferred to Heshmatiyeh Prison
A few hours ago Kaleme - Mir Hussein Mousavi’s official website - announced that the two opposition leaders in Iran had been arrested. Here’s an English translation of Kaleme’s news article, translated by BanouyeSabz:
Monday February 28th 2011 - BREAKING NEWS -The leaders of the Green Opposition Movement in Iran Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroub and their spouses Zahra Rahnavard and Fatemeh Karroubi, have been arrested and transferred to Heshmatiyeh prison in Tehran.
According to the latest reports received by Kaleme, their arrest and transfer to Heshmatiyeh prison has been confirmed, however, the time and date of this transfer remains unclear.
The government of the Islamic of Iran had remained absolutely silent with regards to the recent restrictions and house arrest of the companions of the Green Movement, leading to much speculation and uncertainty regarding their whereabouts and well being. Mir Hossein Mousavi's daughters had also repeatedly tried to visit with their parents by going to Akhtar street [location of their parents' residence], only to face more ambiguity and contradictions and denied all contact with their parents. The lights to the residences of Mousavi and Karroubi were also off over the past few days. It looks as though the families of the Green opposition leaders Mousavi and Karroubi were denied contact with them in order to ensure secrecy regarding the location to which they had been transferred. The lack of news and refusal by government authorities to take responsibility for the events also sparked numerous media outlets to report on and question the whereabouts of the Green opposition leaders.
It is worth mentioning that Saham News, the website for Mehdi Karroubi reported that one of Karroubi's neighbors had witnessed their transfer from their residence at around midnight on Thursday. The eye witness reported the arrival of 8 security vans in front of Karroubi's residence and the entrance to the parking lot, stating that after a few minutes they all left the area in a car that left the parking structure.
In other news, after the contradictory and ambiguous reports regarding the recent illegal house arrest and restrictions on Mousavi, Karroubi and their spouses Iran's Attorney General stated today: "The Prime Minister during the 8 year holy war with Iraq [Mousavi], the two times former Head of the Parliament of the Islamic Republic [Karroubi] and their spouses have been arrested and transferred to Heshmatiyeh prison on orders of high ranking Iranian officials.
Source: Kaleme http://www.kaleme.com/1389/12/09/klm-49729/
فوری/ میرحسین و کروبی بازداشت و به زندان حشمتیه منتقل شده اند
دوشنبه, ۹ اسفند, ۱۳۸۹
چکیده :میرحسین موسوی و مهدی کروبی از رهبران جنبش اعتراضی سبز، به همراه همسران خود زهرا رهنورد و فاطمه کروبی ،دستگیر شده و به زندان حشمتیه تهران منتقل شده اند.طبق آخرین اطلاعات رسیده از منابع موثق به کلمه، بازداشت و انتقال آنها به زندان قطعی است اما زمان دقیق انتقال آنها همچنان مبهم است. پیش...
میرحسین موسوی و مهدی کروبی، به همراه همسران خود زهرا رهنورد و فاطمه کروبی ،دستگیر شده و به زندان حشمتیه تهران منتقل شده اند.
طبق آخرین اطلاعات رسیده از منابع موثق به کلمه، بازداشت و انتقال آنها به زندان قطعی است اما زمان دقیق انتقال آنها همچنان مبهم است.
پیش از این و در دوهفته گذشته مقامات کشور در مورد محدودیتها و نحوه حصر همراهان جنبش سبز سکوت اختیار کرده بودند. این مساله به مبهم شدن فضا و گمانه زنی ها دامن زده بود. دختران میرحسین نیز بارها با مراجعه به کوچه اختر با پاسخ های مبهم و متناقض روبرو شده بودند، و امکان هیچ گونه تماسی نیز برای ارتباط با پدر و مادرشان فراهم نشده بود. همچنین چراغهای خانه نیز در این چند روز خاموش بوده است. به نظر می رسد عدم اجازه تماس با خانواده ی موسوی و کروبی برای مطلع نشدن آنها از مکان موسوی و کروبی بوده است. این بی خبری و نیز مسوولیت ناپذیری مقامات در پاسخگویی به برخی اخبار در روزهای گذشته دامن زده بود.
در سوی دیگر سحام نیوز سایت مهدی کروبی اظهارات یکی از همسایگان مهدی کروبی را نقل کرده بود که میگفت نیمه شب پنج شنبه شاهد حضور هشت ماشین ون نیروهای امنیتی در مقابل ساختمان و ورودی پارکینگ منزل آقای کروبی بوده و پس از دقایقی همگی به همراه یک ماشین که از داخل پارکینگ درآمده محل را ترک کردهاند.
در این حال امروز و پس از اظهارات متناقض و مبهم دادستان کل کشور در مورد حصر و اعمال محدودیت بر آقایان موسوی و کروبی و همسرانشان، مشخص شده است: نخست وزیر هشت سال دفاع مقدس و رییس دو دوره مجلس شورای اسلامی به همراه همسرانشان و به دستور مقامات عالی کشور بازداشت و به زندان حشمتیه تهران منتقل شده اند.
12 February 2011
آدرس تظاهرات شهرهای مختلف ایران و جهان تا 25 بهمن 89
ایران
1-تهران امام حسین تا آزادی–ساعت 3
2-بابل :روبروی دانشکاه فنی بابل (چهار راه امیرکبیر)–ساعت 4
3-شیراز : از میدان نمازی تا ساختمان مهندسی2(خیابان ملاصدرا)–ساعت 3
4-اصفهان : میدان انقلاب–ساعت 3
5-اهواز : خیابان نادری–ساعت 6
6-مشهد : سه راه راهنمایی -ساعت 5
7-رشت : خیابان مطهری–ساعت 3
8-اردبیل : میدان شریعتی به طرف بازار -ساعت 4
9-بوشهر:خیابان لیان تا ششم بهمن-ساعت 5
10-کرمان : جنب تریا فرد(ستاد قبلی مهندس موسوی)–ساعت 3
11-ارومیه : خیابان عطایی–ساعت 4
12-تبریز :میدان ساعت–ساعت 5
13-همدان : آرامگاه بوعلی –ساعت 5
14-تنکابن-از میدان کریم آباد یه میدان امام–ساعت5
15-کرمانشاه :سه راه 22 بهمن -خیابان نوبهار تا میدان آزادی -ساعت 3
16-سنندج : خيابان ششم بهمن -ساعت 5
17-سمنان : از میدان سعدی به میدان کوثر -ساعت 5
18-خرم آباد : خيابان خرم رود- ساعت 5
19-شهرکرد :ميدان انقلاب -ساعت 5
20-کاشان : ميدان پانزده خرداد-ساعت5
21-قزوین خیابان خیام -میدان عدل-ساعت5
22-ساری :خیابان انقلاب -ساعت5
22-گرگان : فلکه کاخ -ساعت5
23-اراک : میدان ولیعصر -ساعت 5
خارج از ایران :
انگلستان : منچستر : شنبه ۱۲ فوریه ساعت ۱۲ تا ۱۴ در محل بیکاد لی کاردن
آلمان: فرانکفورت : شنبه ۱۲ فوریه ساعت ۱۴ تا ۱۶ مرکز شهر
دانمارک : کپنهاک : دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت۱۶ در برابر سفارت اسلامی
نروژ :اسلو : دوشنبه 14 فوریه ساعت 16.30 تا 17:30 جلوی مجلس
ایتالیا : رم :دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت ۱۶ مقابل سفارت حکومت اسلامی
فرانسه : باریس : دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت ۱۸ تا ۲۰ در میدان سن میشل
بلژیک : بروکسل :دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت ۱۷ تا ۱۹ مقابل سفارت حکومت
ژاپن : توکیو : دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت 13:30 تا 14:30 روبروی دانشگاه سازمان ملل
آلمان: کلن :یکشنبه 13 فوریه ساعت 16 در رودولف پلاتز
آلمان: هامبورگ : دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت 3 مقابل کنسول گری حکوکت اسلامی
آمریکا :لس آنجلس : یکشنبه 13 فوریه ساعت 15 تا 18 مقابل ساختمان فدرال
هلند :لاهه :دوشنبه ۱۴ فوریه ساعت ۱۵.۰۰ تا ۱۷:۳۰ روبروی سفارت جمهوری اسلامی
آلمان : هامبورگ : دوشنبه :14 فوریه ساعت 15 مقابل کنسول گری حکومت اسلامی
لطفا آدرس شهر یا کشور خود را به صورت کامنت بزارید تا اطلاع رسانی کنبم
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كويت مقابل سفارت ايران ساعت 4 بعد از ظهر
9 June 2010
Zahra Rahnavard: I hope to give my life for democracy and freedom
With her floral Turkmen head scarf and jean shirt worn under her black yet lacy chador, Zahra Rahnavard has been quickly transformed into the most recognized and well known woman in Iran during the elections of the past 30 years. Her image, even more than that of her husband's, Mir Hossein Mousavi, the candidate for the presidential elections in Iran, has not only been the focus of attention on numerous occasions both by domestic and foreign media outlets, but also has become a hot discussion topic amongst both her supporters and those who appose her. She has been attacked many times both by her own opponents and by those who appose her husband...
Dr. Zahra Rahnavard, artist, sculptor, and university professor, viewed by many social and political activists as a well known advocate for culture, art and politics was asked whether she was satisfied with the manner in which her husband defended her during last year's presidential debates.
He repeatedly apologized to the Iranian women. In response to attacks by the apposing election candidate on to his wife (Zahra Rahnavard), Mr. Mousavi stated that he views her as the most open minded Iranian woman. Ms. Rahnvard's response to this comment is as follows "Mr. Mousavi's comments were symbolic. He may view me as an example amongst many Iranian women, as he [Mousavi] has a lot of respect for all Iranian women."
When ever someone asks Ms. Rahnavard about her husband Mr. Mousavi, she responds "I am first and foremost Rahnavard and then Mousavi's wife."
Ms Rahnavard how did you and your husband endure the constant pressure of the past few months on your lives?
This past year the people of Iran have been exposed to all types of pressure and hardship, only for asking the question "where is my vote?". This question could have been answered by the ruling government in a legal and peaceful manner. However, the ruling government chose to respond in a most oppressive manner to such a simple and democratic question, arresting and imprisoning and firing bullets at those who dared to pose such a question. Today the demands of the people of Iran are freedom, democracy, rule of the law and free and fair elections. These demands are much more extensive than those presented during the initial protests. It is therefore only normal that when our people are experiencing such hardship, that I, Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi, Mr. Khatami and their families also face physical trauma, or numerous shocks and charges.
Almost one year ago, you were certain of victory in the elections. Today, under the current circumstances, how do you feel when you look back at those days? Do you feel a sense of anger, surrender, hope or sadness?
Iran's Green movement seeks prosperity for all Iranians. This when the current ruling government has only lead to further poverty, threatening the fundamental freedom of our people. The past elections were a golden opportunity that was taken away from the people of Iran and this is a real pity.
You and your husband experience constant threats on your lives. Are you not afraid? Do you not feel in any danger? Have you ever thought about leaving your country?
I have never once pondered leaving Iran. Of course before the revolution in Iran, due to the oppression and political limitations under the Shah's regime I was in the United States and along with my husband was active in organizations such as the Islamic Students of Iran, both in the U.S and in Europe. Today we have been transformed from simple people to well known, effective individuals. Now, much more than in the past, our destiny and future is intertwined with the destiny and future of the nation of Iran. Iran is the place I have selected to live in and to die in. The rest is up to God. With regards to fear, I have never feared any individual or regime in my entire life. I will only fear God when I have not met my responsibilities as a free human being. In comparison to the past, Mousavi is also speaking with courage and much much more daringly. He will never compromise his ideals.
The street protests were much more extensive than predicted and expected by many. Your husband was transformed from a "highly specialized and technical " individual to a beloved and charismatic leader. Was this more than he expected? Did you knowingly submit yourself to the Iranian people's movement?
When it comes to the 10th presidential elections held last year, Mousavi, the nation of Iran and I had many expectations. Everyone was looking for improvements in the country's conditions and fundamental change. Individual freedom, lack of interference in the daily lives of the women and men of our nation, freedom, democracy and the rule of law, were only some of the demands and dreams of our nation. The people's protests and our collaborative action have been based on mutual desires. However, one thing cannot be denied, that the Iranian people have always been ahead of us and leading us towards their ideals. When the ruling government refused to respond to a natural question by the people of Iran such as "where is my vote?", resorting to imprisonment, arrests and bullets, then it was only natural for ordinary individuals to become well known and beloved symbols. Mousavi is only one such individual fortunate to have been embraced by the people of Iran.
Are any discussions currently taking place with the ruling government? Are there any attempts to improve the tension and improve current conditions?
Everyone is open and willing to work on resolving the current tensions and difficulties. Unfortunately the ruling government is only after violence. They only seek to oppress and imprison those who criticize and protest. It seems that they are not interested in solving the problems. I believe that based on their current behavior the ruling government is trying to over throw the Islamic Republic; something that neither I, Mousavi, Karroubi or the people of Iran are after. As such, under these circumstances, there can be no discussions.
I would like to emphasize that the Green movement is a reform seeking and peaceful movement. The 22nd, 25th and 30th of Khordad are three important dates in the Green movement of the people of Iran and the presence of millions in the streets on these days will be good news for the future victory of the movement.
What message would you like to give to the world on behalf of the Green movement? What can the world do to help and what actions should they refrain from?
The Green movement and the demands of the people are completely national, Iranian, people based and internal to Iran. They are not dependent on or associated with any forces outside of Iran. However, the progressive thoughts of the world should naturally be towards protecting the rights of countries and the world wide support of those who seek freedom. Though the public abroad must be careful that their governments support the freedom fighters in Iran in their dealings with the Iranian government, in the end the people of Iran are responsible for their own destiny and resolving their issues.
In the past months there have been many reports of executions, rapes and violence against prisoners. How do you react to these issues? Would you like to express your thoughts regarding these matters?
I am fundamentally against any form of violence against anyone. In Iran and within the Green movement we have groups such as artists, journalists, human rights activists, student activists, sports personalities and other groups such as teachers, workers, students and women's organizations. In addition, tribes and races with a variety of languages and religions live in Iran, all of which can be used as a good opportunity for Iran and the ruling government in Iran, that is, if they take them all under their wings. National unity can be emphasized and made stronger all while respecting the diversity, cultural, ethnic and linguistic rights of the minority who live in Iran. Only then will we witness no violent acts by any group, or people in Iran. I am against any form of violence, including executions. More importantly, the procedures leading to executions should be reviewed. It is important for me to believe that these executions were necessary and based on legal rights and not politically motivated.
If you were to predict today, how do you think this tug of war will end?
Our nation will be victorious and will reach their ideals. This success is because of the stability, strength and resilience of the people and reflects their knowledge and awareness. The rights of the people will prevail even if it takes time.
A modern world does not tolerate dictatorship and tyranny. The digital world of the internet and information dissemination is a world that demands democracy, freedom and personal expression and Iran is part of this world.
Have you ever thought about giving up?
Never! Why would I ever have such an ominous thought? I have committed myself to God and I am hopeful to shed the last drop of my blood in the cause of freedom and democracy. The rest is in the hands of God.
You are a symbol for many women who have entered the scene. What would you like to say with regards to the role of women in the Green Movement?
The current ruling government has focused on oppressing women over the past year. I experienced this personally for the first time this year. The head of their government attacked me in a television debate with Mousavi, questioning my character; although this behavior only led to him being the laughing stock of the nation. Women have been one of the staunch supporters of the Green movement as such the ruling government has focused on oppressing women. However, this oppression has had no affect on their resolve and they have not backed down.
The demands of the women in Iran are twofold 1) National demands such as freedom, democracy, the rule of the law, freedom of political prisoners, right to individual freedoms 2) Elimination of discrimination and strengthening of cultural rights, women's rights and equal rights under the law.
As I have said repeatedly in the past, democracy is not possible without women and without paying attention to the demands of women.
Have the nuclear issues had any effects on the conditions that occurred after the elections?
The ruling government takes advantage of the nuclear issue. On the surface they make strong statements but in the end they cooperate and seek negotiations with other countries. This is due to their utter lack of legitimacy. Because of their lack of legitimacy inside Iran, on an international level they make concessions towards other countries in order to build legitimacy for themselves. However, when a nation is not in sync with its own government, that government has no prestige anywhere in the world. I am hopeful that the people of Iran will prevail and that we can bring democracy to the people of Iran as soon as possible.
تهیه شده توسط فرانچسکا کافرری با همکاری مصطفی خسروی
دنیای مدرن ، استبداد و دیکتاتوری را بر نمی تابد . دنیای رسانه و اینترنت و دیجیتال و دنیای نظریه ها و اندیشه ها ، خواهان دموکراسی و ازادی ملی و ازادی های فردی است و ایران هم بخشی از این جهان است.
آنچه در زیر می خوانید متن مصاحبه خانم زهرا رهنورد با روزنامه ایتالیایی رپوبلیکا
(La Repubblica) است که روز گذشته منتشر شد:
منبع ترجمه فارسی: ادوار نیوز
زهرا رهنورد با آن روسری گلدار ترکمنی و بلوز جین اش در زیر چادر مشکی اما تور دارش ،خیلی زود تبدیل به مشهورترین زن ایران در همه انتخابات های سی سال گذشته شد.چهره ای که بارها توسط نشریات داخلی و خارجی بیشتر از همسرش میرحسین موسوی کاندیدای ریاست جمهوری ایران مورد توجه قرار گرفت و تبدیل به سوژه داغی برای بحث و جدل میان موافقان و مخالفانش شد.او بارها مورد حمله مخالفان خودش و حتی مخالفان همسرش قرار گرفته است. ..
دکتر زهرا رهنورد ، نقاش و مجسمه ساز و استاد دانشگاه که به اعتقاد بسیاری از فعالان سیاسی و اجتماعی از سالها دور چهره ای مشهور در عرصه فرهنگ ،هنر و سیاست بوده است در بخش پیشین این مصاحبه وقتی در برابر این پرسش قرار گرفت که آیا از دفاع همسرش از او در مناظره انتخاباتی با محمود احمدی نژاد راضی بوده است یا نه؟
بارها از زنان ایرانی پوزش خواست .مهندس موسوی در برابر حمله های تند رقیب انتخاباتی اش در باره همسرش (زهرا رهنورد) او را روشنفکرترین زن ایران لقب داده بود .خانم رهنورد در این باره می گوید :"کلام آقای موسوی یک حرف نمادین بود.شاید مرا نمونه ای از همه زنان ایرانی تلقی کرد.چون او احترام زیادی برای زنان قائل است."
هر وقت کسی از رهنورد در باره همسرش موسوی سوالی می پرسد، پاسخ می دهد: من اول رهنورد هستم سپس همسر موسوی
خانم رهنورد در ماه های گذشته، تحت فشار دائم، بر شما و همسرتان چه گذشت و چگونه اين دوره را زندگی کرديد؟
به مدت یک سال مردم ایران زیر انواع و اقسام فشارها به سر می برند . زیرا فقط پرسیده بودند که رای شان کجاست ؟ این پرسش می توانست از طرف حاکمیت بطور قانونی و مسالمت آمیز پاسخ داده شود . اما حاکمیت فعلی در برابر این سوال ساده و دموکراتیک استبدای ترین رفتار را انجام داد و مردم سوال کننده را دستگیر و زندانی کرد ، به روی آنها اتش اسلحه گشود. امروز مطالبات مردم ایران آزاد ی، دموکراسی ، قانون گرایی و انتخابات آزاد است . این خواسته ها بسیار گسترده تر از اعتراضات اولیه است . پس طبیعی است وقتی مردم ما در چنین شرایط سختی به سر می برند ، من و موسوی و کروبی وآقای خاتمی و خانواده های ما، هر یک زیر ضربات فیزیکی یا اتهامات و شوک هایی متعدد قرار بگیریم .
در يک چنين روزهائی، تقريباً يکسال پيش، اطمينان به پيروزی در انتخابات داشتيد: با نگاه به اين گذشته، چه احساسی نسبت به آن دوران داريد؟ آيا احساس غضب می کنيد؟ احساس تسليم؟ احساس اميد؟ يا احساس اندوه؟
جنبش سبز ایران در پی سعادت و رفاه مردم است . این در حالی است که حاکمیت فعلی روز به روز بیشتر از گذشته موجب فقر و مکنت مردم و تهدید آزادی های اساسی شده است . انتخابات گذشته فرصت بسیار خوبی بود که از مردم ایران گرفته شد و این مایه تاسف است .
شما و همسرتان بصورت دائم در شرائط تحديد بسر می بريد. آيا ترس داريد؟ خود را در خطر حس می کنيد؟ هرگز فکر کرده ايد که کشورتان را ترک کنيد؟
هرگز به ترک ایران نیاندیشیده ام . البته من ، پیش از انقلاب ایران ، به دلیل انسداد سیاسی و سرکوب های رژیم شاه در آمریکا بودم و فعالیت خارج از کشور را به همراه همسرم در آنجا و از طریق فعالیت در انجمن های اسلامی دانشجویان ایران در آمریکا و اروپا پیگیری می کردیم . اما امروز ما از یک فرد ساده به یک افراد شاخص و موثر تبدیل شده ایم . سرنوشت ما بیش از گذشته به ملت ایران و آینده آن گره خورده است . ایران جایی است که من ان را برای زندگی و مرگ خودم انتخاب کرده ام . تا خدا چه بخواهد .اما در مورد ترس : هرگز در زندگی خود از هیچ فرد ویا نظامی نترسیده ام . انگاه که به مسئولیت های خودم به عنوان یک انسان آزادی خواه عمل نکرده باشم من فقط از خدا می ترسم . موسوی هم در مقایسه با گذشته با شجاعت و جرئت بیشتری صحبت وعمل می کند و هرگز از آرمان هایش کوتاه نخواهد آمد .
احتمالاً تظاهرات خيابانی، بيش از آنکه از سوی اغلب اشخاص پيش بينی می شد و انتظار ميرفت، به پيش رفت. همسر شما يک شخص "فنی و متخصص بود"، که به يک رهبر محبوب و پرجذبه تبديل شد... آيا اين پيشروی و پيش رفت بيش از آنی بود که خود ايشان انتظار داشت؟ آيا شما خود را به دست اين جريان در حال حرکت سپرديد و يا آگاهانه انتظارات ملت را دريافتيد؟
در جریان انتخابات دهم ریاست جمهری ایران و در سال گذشته ، هم من و هم موسوی و هم ملت ایران انتظاراتی داشتیم . همه خواهان بهبود اوضاع کشور و تغییرات اساسی بودیم . احترام به آزادی های فردی ، عدم دخالت در زندگی زنان و مردان این سرزمین ، ازادی و دموکراسی و قانون گرایی .این ها بخشی از خواسته ها و آرزوهای ملتمان بود . اعتراضات و کنش مردم و ما بر یکدیگر تاثیر متقابل داشته است . اما این یک واقعیت است که مردم از ما جلوتر هستند و ما را با خود به سوی آرمان های شان می برند . وقتی حاکمیت حاضر نشد به این پرسش طبیعی مردم ایران که " رای من کجاست " ، پاسخ دهد و به جای پاسخ قانونی و مدنی ، زندان و گلوله را به مردم ایران نشان داد ، در این حالت و به طور طبیعی هر مخالف شاخصی می توانست به یک شخصیت مقبول و یا محبوب تبدیل شود . موسوی هم یکی از این شخصیت ها ست که با اقبال مردم روبرو شد .
آيا درحال حاضر گفتگوئی با دولت در جريان است؟ آيا در حال حاضر کوششی برای بازگشودن (گره) و حل شرايط ايجاد شده در جريان است؟
همه مایلند که گره مشکلات فعلی را باز کنند . اما حاکمیت در پی خشونت است . در پی سرکوب و دستگیری مردم و معترضین هستند . گویا نمی خواهند مشکلات را حل کنند . فکر می کنم حاکمیت فعلی با عملکرد بدی که دارد در پی براندازی جمهوری اسلامی است . چیزی که نه مردم و نه کروبی و موسوی و من به دنبال آن هستیم . در نتیجه گفتگویی نمی تواند در جریان باشد .
تاکید می کنم که جنبش سبز یک جنبش اصلاح طلب، نرم و ضد خشونت است .22 ،25 و 30 خرداد سه تاریخ مهم و بزرگ درجنبش سبز مردم ایران است و حضور میلیونی مردم در خیابان دراین روزها بشارت پیروزی این جنبش در اینده بود.
چه پيامی مايليد از سوی جنبش سبز به جهانيان بدهيد؟ جامعه جهانی چه کاری ميتواند انجام دهد و چه عملی را نبايد انجام دهد؟
جنبش سبز و مطالبات مردم کاملا ملی، ایرانی و مردمی و درون جوش است . به هیچ جریان بیرون از ایران وابسته نیست و از آن خط و الهام نمی گیرد. اما افکار مترقی جهان به طور طبیعی باید مدافع حقوق ملت ها باشد و ازادی خواهی را در هر کجای جهان که باشد ، حمایت کند. افکارعمومی جهان باید مواظب باشد که دولت های شان در معامله با دولت ایران، آزادیخواهان ایران را حمایت کنند. اما در نهایت مردم ایران باید خودشان مشکلاتشان را حل کنند .
در ماه های گذشته خبرهای بسيار از اعدام ها، تجاوزها، خشونت ها و به زندان انداختن ها داشتيم. عکس العمل شما در اين موارد چگونه بوده؟ آيا چيزی هست که مايل باشيد در اين زمينه بگوئيد؟
من به طور کلی با خشونت از طرف هرکس که باشد مخالفم . در ایران و در درون جنبش سبز گروه های مرجع مثل هنرمندان ،روزنامه نگاران ،فعالان حقوق بشر ، دانشگاهیان ، ورزشکاران ،و گروه های دیگری مثل جنبش معلمان ، کارگران ، دانشجویان و زنان وجود دارد .
همچنین در اطراف فلات مرکزی ایران اقوام و نژادها با زبان ها و ادیان متفاوت زندگی می کنند که می تواند به یک فرصت خوب برای ایران تبدیل شود . حاکمیت می تواند این ها را به یک فرصت خوب تبدیل کند و همه را زیر بال و پر خود بگیرد و وحدت ملی را در عین تکثر و احترام به حقوق فرهنگ ها و اقلیت های نژادی و زبانی و قومی ، وحدت ملی را تقویت کند . آن وقت خواهیم دید که هیچ حرکت خشنی از سوی هیچ گروه و زبان و مردمی اتفاق نمی افتد . از این رو من با هر نوع خشونت از جمله اعدام مخالفم . اما مهمتر این که روش های دادرسی منجر به اعدام شده است . برای من مهم است و فکر می کنم این اعدام ها ، سیاسی و فاقد وجاهت قانونی لازم و حقوقی بوده است .
اگر امروز بخواهيد پيش بينی ای انجام دهيد، بنظر شما اين زورآزمائی به کجا می کشد و چگونه ختم می شود؟
ملت قطعا پیروز خواهدشد . و به ارمان های خود خواهدرسید . اما این موقعیت مرهون پایداری و مقاومت مردم و هم چنین موجب ارتقاء سطح اطلاعات ، آگاهی و دانایی آنها خواهد بود . نهایتا حق همیشه پیروز است . حتی اگر زمان زیادی لازم داشته باشد .
دنیای مدرن ، استبداد و دیکتاتوری را بر نمی تابد . دنیای رسانه و اینترنت و دیجیتال و دنیای نظریه ها و اندیشه ها ، خواهان دموکراسی و ازادی ملی و ازادی های فردی است و ایران هم بخشی از این جهان است.
آيا هرگز فکر کرده ايد که تسليم شويد و از خيرش بگذريد؟
هرگز! چرا باید چنین فکر شومی به سر من بزند . خودم را به خدا اسپرده ام و امیدوارم تا آخرین قطره خونم را به پای ازادی و دموکراسی بریزم . تا خدا چه بخواهد .
شما سمبل زنانی هستيد که به ميدان آمده اند. چه چيزی مايليد در مورد نقش زنان در جنبش سبز بگوئيد؟
حاکمیت فعلی ایران در این ایام یک سال خیر ، به سرکوب زنان پرداخته و اولین سرکوب را در حق خود من انجام داد . رییس دولت آنها در روند انتخابات در یک مناظره تلویزیونی با موسوی ، حمله را به من شروع کرد و شخصیت علمی و هنری من را زیر سوال برد . اگر چه موجب ریشخند ملت به خودشان شد . زنان به طور جدی از پیش تاران جنبش سبز بوده اند. حاکمیت هم به طور جدی زنان را سرکوب کرده است . اما این سرکوب نقشی در عقب نشینی زنان نداشته است .
زنان ایران همواره در پی تحقق دو دسته مطالبات هستند: 1- مطالبات ملی که تحقق آزادی ، دموکراسی ، قانون گرایی ، آزادی زندانیان سیاسی و آزادی های فردی و شخصی در سطح خصوصی و عمومی و 2- رفع تبعیض و اعاده حیثیت فرهنگی و حقوقی زنان ایران و تنظیم قوانین برابری خواه.
اما من بارها گفته ام تحقق دموکراسی بدون حضور زنان و بدون پاسخ مثبت به مطالبات زنان ممکن نیست .
آيا مسئله هسته ای بر شرائطی که بعد از انتخابات سال گذشته ايجاد گرديده تأثيری داشته و دارد؟
دولت از مسئله هسته ای سوء استفاده می کند . در ظاهر شعارهای تند می دهد و در باطن سازش می کند . و به دنبال معامله با دولت های دیگر است . آن هم به دلیل عدم مشروعیتی که دارد . بنابراین تلاش می کند اگر در ایران نا مشروع است ، در سطح بین المللی با دادن امتیازاتی به دولت های مختلف ، برای خود مشروعیت کسب کند . اما تا ملتی با دولت خود هماهنگ نباشد ، آن دولت در هیچ کجای جهان وجهه ای نخواهد داشت . امیدوارم تحقق ایران پیروز و دموکرات را هر چه زودتر به ملت ایران و جهانیان مژده دهیم.
تهیه شده توسط فرانچسکا کافرری با همکاری مصطفی خسروی
7 June 2010
Place of Secularism In The Green Movement
Maryam Mohammadi interviews Reza Alijani
Source: Rahesabz.net
English translaton by @MrZand
Source: Rahesabz.net
English translaton by @MrZand
Maryam Mohammadi: Green pluralistic reality and the unity of the movement's activists in the fight for political freedom has transformed secularism, the separation of religion and government, into a powerful ideological tool for creating national reconciliation and democratic gains in Iran. In this interview with Radio Farda (original link is inoperative), Reza Alijani insists on this important fact and the necessity and importance of understanding it.
What is at stake for secularism within the green movement, what is its position and how does it deal with the diverse opinions about it within the movement?
“The debate about secularism is very conflictual. This debate has been around for the past several years in Iran. Perhaps the word is confusing, but it seems that if we do not look at secularism as an ideology, or secularization which has a broader meaning, but look at it as a process or work in progress, then its relationship with the movement Green will become clearer.”
So you believe that the green movement should not look at secularism as an ideology. But if we look at it as a process of social change, then would a single interpretation exist for secularism?
“In this process of secularization, if we look at its history and how it is determined by the reality outside of it, and follow the debates surrounding it, then we will see that it has been presented at two different levels:
One is on a macro level and is calling for the absence of any reference to religion in all social areas: In fact, a universal secularism, or even sometimes a fundamentalist one. On a different level it demands the separation of institutions, especially and particularly religion and government institutions, and specifically the separation of clergymen and mosque from the government.
If we reflect back at your question explicitly to the latter level of secularism which at its base demands the separation of religion and state and naturally opposes religious rule of law and political legitimacy of faith or religion, then we can turn to the issue of its relationship with the green movement.”
Does the green movement, which we want to establish its relationship with secularism, have or should have a specific definition for all the diverse opinions?
“There is much confusion about the green movement, but not as much about secularization. The green movement started as a movement to protest the election results but has since transformed into a movement in opposition to the dominant political system.
Of course, I see the Iranian dissidents, those critical of government or ruling factions, as wider than the green movement. For example, a number of people in the smaller cities or other areas, even in agreement with the criticisms and protests of the opposition have not opted to participate in protests for some reason, maybe for personal reasons.
However, if the Green Movement symbolizes- now I do not know how to name it - the Iranian dissidents, then the discussion becomes clearer.”
If the protest movement is broader than the green movement, can we consider the green movement part of the protest movement? Or that the protest movement currently in progress is the same as the green movement?
“Yes, absolutely. I interpreted on the more macro level, I did not use the word ‘movement’: But I talked of Iranian dissidents. Iranian dissidents are much broader than those who first protested against the election results and have come to the streets to oppose the current political system. I mean there are people that are with the green movement in their hearts, but did not come out.
Iranian dissidents are broader than the green movement, but as you mentioned, the green movement is now the symbol of Iranian dissidents.
With this understanding of the green movement, I want to compare its relationship with the discussion about secularism or the secularization process. When we talk about the green movement, we think of a social reality and identity that embodies symbolism and has civic leaders. We can also think of the green movement as its ideals or programs of action or their common demands.”
But the definition you first gave of the green movement, in effect, we want to consider the effect or its position within the green movement.
“In reality, the green movement is a pluralistic movement. It is even more pluralistic if we consider what I call the Iranian dissidents. I do not think any observers or even the activists would deny the diverse plurality within the green movement.
I mean from religious forces, even traditional religious forces who were attracted by Mousavi’s message and have joined in, to the religious reformists, or so called religious new-thinkers, and the non-religious forces are present within the movement. There has been a wide field of operatives active within the movement.
When we go a step further, we see that the body of the green movement is pluralistic, the demands and ideal are also pluralistic. But when we arrive at the question of a common program, in my opinion, this question is put in parentheses.
I want to point to a concrete example that might be illuminating. Before the election, a movement called ‘demand-based approach’ started. The demand-based approach recognized this diversity and the presumption was that it was possible to cooperate on common grounds. In the language of social science methodology, the cooperation was not on the macro level, but within common grounds. On the macro level people can have different ideologies. For action these differences must be put in parentheses.”
So we can summarize: If the essence of the green movement is centered on specific demands and a common program, how can the differences in interpretation of secularism not play a role?
“Yes, based on my personal experience and not as a matter of research or statistics, however, the green movement has had no religious demands. They have not cloaked their wishes in the form of religious discourse and one that wants a religious government to be established. This is a fact.
This fact does not mean that a part of the green movement activists, or even an important part of them are not religious or do not want religious values. As I said, the body of the green movement is pluralistic, but the dominant discourse in the green movement does not want a religious government, the enforcement of Shari’a law or a return to a government in accordance to Shari’a law.
But demands of the green movement can be embedded within each discourse. It means that the demands could be embedded in a discourse that does accept the practice of current constitution and one that does not adhere to the current constitution and does not see any potential within it. Both discourses can move in parallel paths in the context of a demand-based movement.
This duality can also be operative with respect to an ideal outlook. If the ideal outlook is for maximum secularism, part of the green movement thinks along those lines and some don’t. But in the context of a demand-based movement they would also take parallel paths.
On the other hand – the way that I understand - the essence of the green movement, has been a secularist one. This essence is demand-based and wants to transform lifestyles. This transformation of lifestyles may well be contained in different discourses, even a religious discourse, but will not accept to be the dominant discourse itself within the green movement.
How can we understand this better when as a religious intellectual, one who believes that the essence of the green movement is secularist, while maintaining that the talk of secularism, as an ideology, does not and should not have a place within the green movement?
With this interpretation of the claim that this movement is a demand-based movement, essentially the integration of religious and governmental institutions is beyond the scope of the discussion.”
But Mr. Alijani, if the discussion about secularism and secularists exists inside and outside of the green movement, can we arrive at the conclusion, given your definition, that in the present stage there is no confrontation between secularists and non-secularists?
“No. Even if someone claims that the green movement is a reformist movement within the current government, and its activists are religious and their demands are religious as well, I will theoretically argue by correspondence of their argument to reality that they admit that those who came to the streets did not have merely one idea or opinion.
But I would also argue about the case of a project, for example, in a project I might accept the religious interpretation of Ayatollah Montazeri’s defense of human rights, or I might not accept the religious interpretation and provide a religious new-thinker’s interpretation or even someone who can provide a non-religious interpretation.
The problem is not with the departure point; when we talk about a project, we return to a program of action and what are really our demands. We demand free elections, free speech, and free political parties. Some say that these freedoms exist within the current constitution, and there are some who say that they do not.
I say that whether these freedoms exist within a constitutional framework or within religion is a theoretical discussion outside of the green movement.”
What is at stake for secularism within the green movement, what is its position and how does it deal with the diverse opinions about it within the movement?
“The debate about secularism is very conflictual. This debate has been around for the past several years in Iran. Perhaps the word is confusing, but it seems that if we do not look at secularism as an ideology, or secularization which has a broader meaning, but look at it as a process or work in progress, then its relationship with the movement Green will become clearer.”
So you believe that the green movement should not look at secularism as an ideology. But if we look at it as a process of social change, then would a single interpretation exist for secularism?
“In this process of secularization, if we look at its history and how it is determined by the reality outside of it, and follow the debates surrounding it, then we will see that it has been presented at two different levels:
One is on a macro level and is calling for the absence of any reference to religion in all social areas: In fact, a universal secularism, or even sometimes a fundamentalist one. On a different level it demands the separation of institutions, especially and particularly religion and government institutions, and specifically the separation of clergymen and mosque from the government.
If we reflect back at your question explicitly to the latter level of secularism which at its base demands the separation of religion and state and naturally opposes religious rule of law and political legitimacy of faith or religion, then we can turn to the issue of its relationship with the green movement.”
Does the green movement, which we want to establish its relationship with secularism, have or should have a specific definition for all the diverse opinions?
“There is much confusion about the green movement, but not as much about secularization. The green movement started as a movement to protest the election results but has since transformed into a movement in opposition to the dominant political system.
Of course, I see the Iranian dissidents, those critical of government or ruling factions, as wider than the green movement. For example, a number of people in the smaller cities or other areas, even in agreement with the criticisms and protests of the opposition have not opted to participate in protests for some reason, maybe for personal reasons.
However, if the Green Movement symbolizes- now I do not know how to name it - the Iranian dissidents, then the discussion becomes clearer.”
If the protest movement is broader than the green movement, can we consider the green movement part of the protest movement? Or that the protest movement currently in progress is the same as the green movement?
“Yes, absolutely. I interpreted on the more macro level, I did not use the word ‘movement’: But I talked of Iranian dissidents. Iranian dissidents are much broader than those who first protested against the election results and have come to the streets to oppose the current political system. I mean there are people that are with the green movement in their hearts, but did not come out.
Iranian dissidents are broader than the green movement, but as you mentioned, the green movement is now the symbol of Iranian dissidents.
With this understanding of the green movement, I want to compare its relationship with the discussion about secularism or the secularization process. When we talk about the green movement, we think of a social reality and identity that embodies symbolism and has civic leaders. We can also think of the green movement as its ideals or programs of action or their common demands.”
But the definition you first gave of the green movement, in effect, we want to consider the effect or its position within the green movement.
“In reality, the green movement is a pluralistic movement. It is even more pluralistic if we consider what I call the Iranian dissidents. I do not think any observers or even the activists would deny the diverse plurality within the green movement.
I mean from religious forces, even traditional religious forces who were attracted by Mousavi’s message and have joined in, to the religious reformists, or so called religious new-thinkers, and the non-religious forces are present within the movement. There has been a wide field of operatives active within the movement.
When we go a step further, we see that the body of the green movement is pluralistic, the demands and ideal are also pluralistic. But when we arrive at the question of a common program, in my opinion, this question is put in parentheses.
I want to point to a concrete example that might be illuminating. Before the election, a movement called ‘demand-based approach’ started. The demand-based approach recognized this diversity and the presumption was that it was possible to cooperate on common grounds. In the language of social science methodology, the cooperation was not on the macro level, but within common grounds. On the macro level people can have different ideologies. For action these differences must be put in parentheses.”
So we can summarize: If the essence of the green movement is centered on specific demands and a common program, how can the differences in interpretation of secularism not play a role?
“Yes, based on my personal experience and not as a matter of research or statistics, however, the green movement has had no religious demands. They have not cloaked their wishes in the form of religious discourse and one that wants a religious government to be established. This is a fact.
This fact does not mean that a part of the green movement activists, or even an important part of them are not religious or do not want religious values. As I said, the body of the green movement is pluralistic, but the dominant discourse in the green movement does not want a religious government, the enforcement of Shari’a law or a return to a government in accordance to Shari’a law.
But demands of the green movement can be embedded within each discourse. It means that the demands could be embedded in a discourse that does accept the practice of current constitution and one that does not adhere to the current constitution and does not see any potential within it. Both discourses can move in parallel paths in the context of a demand-based movement.
This duality can also be operative with respect to an ideal outlook. If the ideal outlook is for maximum secularism, part of the green movement thinks along those lines and some don’t. But in the context of a demand-based movement they would also take parallel paths.
On the other hand – the way that I understand - the essence of the green movement, has been a secularist one. This essence is demand-based and wants to transform lifestyles. This transformation of lifestyles may well be contained in different discourses, even a religious discourse, but will not accept to be the dominant discourse itself within the green movement.
How can we understand this better when as a religious intellectual, one who believes that the essence of the green movement is secularist, while maintaining that the talk of secularism, as an ideology, does not and should not have a place within the green movement?
With this interpretation of the claim that this movement is a demand-based movement, essentially the integration of religious and governmental institutions is beyond the scope of the discussion.”
But Mr. Alijani, if the discussion about secularism and secularists exists inside and outside of the green movement, can we arrive at the conclusion, given your definition, that in the present stage there is no confrontation between secularists and non-secularists?
“No. Even if someone claims that the green movement is a reformist movement within the current government, and its activists are religious and their demands are religious as well, I will theoretically argue by correspondence of their argument to reality that they admit that those who came to the streets did not have merely one idea or opinion.
But I would also argue about the case of a project, for example, in a project I might accept the religious interpretation of Ayatollah Montazeri’s defense of human rights, or I might not accept the religious interpretation and provide a religious new-thinker’s interpretation or even someone who can provide a non-religious interpretation.
The problem is not with the departure point; when we talk about a project, we return to a program of action and what are really our demands. We demand free elections, free speech, and free political parties. Some say that these freedoms exist within the current constitution, and there are some who say that they do not.
I say that whether these freedoms exist within a constitutional framework or within religion is a theoretical discussion outside of the green movement.”
2 June 2010
Students at Elm o Sanaat University protesting yesterday - 1 June
Students at Elm o Sanaat University commemorate Kianoush Asa's death.
1 June 2010
Greens in Esfehan announce plans for 22 Khordad (12 June)
The Green in the city of Esfehan announce the time and location for the 22nd of Khordad protests.
Time: 6:00pm
Location: Si-o-Se Bridge, Azar Bridge and Ferdowsi Bridge.
Please inform.... You are the Media....
(via Negar Irani)
(via Negar Irani)
زمان و مکان تظاهرات روز 22 خرداد در اصفهان
با درود بر تمامی عزیزان و حامیان سبز همچنین مردم خوب اصفهان
بدون هیچ مقدمه زمان و مکانهای در نظر شده را اعلام و سپس به نوع عملکرد و راهکارها می پردازیم.
زمان تعیین شده برای 22 خرداد 6 بعدازظهر خواهد بود که از همه عزیزان خواهشمند هستیم که به زمان توجه
بسیاری داشته باشند که زمان سنجی یک برتری برای ما محسوب می شود.
مکان های در نظر گرفته شده: سی و سه پل، پل آذر و پل فردوسی می باشد.
توضیحات: ممکن است بعضیأ تعدادی این سوال را داشته باشند نوع عملکرد به چه صورتی خواهد بود، ما تصمیم بر یک تظاهرات پراکنده اما در عین حال متمرکز داریم بنابراین امتداد زاینده رود یک مکان مرکزی و پلهای بر روی زاینده رود مکانهای تعیین شده و پراکنده ما می باشد که کنترل را برای نیروهای حکومتی مشکل خواهد کرد. توجه داشته باشید که باید تمامی سعی خود را انجام دهیم و تظاهرات را در یک سوی رودخانه انجام دهیم که سمت در نظر گرفته شده به طرف چهارباغ بالا می باشد. تاکید می کنیم چهارباغ بالا
نوع ایجاد توده ها بر سر هر پل یا امتداد زاینده رود باید به گونه باشد که نیروهای سرکوب گر را به این سو آن سو کشاند که کنترل را به دست خود گیریم. ایجاد تراکم جمعین به دون شعار می تواند مرکز تجمع را به دیگران نشان دهد که کاری بسیار موثر برای هدایت جمعیت خواهد بود.
از همه عزیزان خواستار اطلاع رسانی هستیم چرا که تنها رسانه شمائید // ما بیشماریم
22 خرداد، 6 بعدازظهر ، سی و سه پل / پل آذر / پل فردوسی
برای آزادی ، جنبش سبز اصفهان
30 May 2010
Statement by the Green in Tabriz on the anniversary of 22 Khordad
Statement by the Green in Tabriz on the occasion of the upcoming anniversary of the 22nd of Khordad
English translation by Negar Irani
Saturday 9th Khordad, 1389 (May 30th, 2010)
TahavoleSabz- A number of political and student activists in the city of Tabriz issued a statement on the occasion of the anniversary of the rigged, coup elections. As per TahavoleSabz, the complete content of this statement is as follows:
To Sardar Pasdar, Mr. Beigi, the Governor of Eastern Azarbaijan [Governor of the illegitimate government following the 9th],
On the eve of the 22nd of Khordad (June 12th) and the anniversary of the epic presence of the people at the voting booths, that lead to the appointment of an illegitimate government, referred to by the people as "the coup government", we would like to inform you and the noble people of Tabriz of the following:
1) We, a number of students and political activists in the city of Tabriz would like to request the presence of all the people ofTabriz, this 22nd of Khordad (June 12th) at 6:00pm at Shariati square, moving towards Saat Square. We will gather once again to honor and celebrate the martyrs of the rigged elections and with strong hopes for the release of all political prisoners, we will once again come to the scene to demonstrate our support for the leaders of the Green movement, Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi and Mr. Khatami.
2) In accordance to Article 27 of the Constitution that states freedom of assembly and the right to hold demonstrations in accordance to a free Islam, you the Governor and the person ultimately responsible for security of the province are also responsible for ensuring the security of any individuals attending the demonstrations in Tabriz. We therefore expect that with the proper understanding of the current political climate and with adherence to the Constitution and the guidelines defined by the late founder of the Islamic Republic, that you refrain from introducing yourself to society as the main deterrent against the people's movement.
3) The reason why this letter is being published on the internet is directly related to the current military atmosphere in the province. If there had not been such fear of illegal arrests, irresponsible and inhumane behavior, show trials and heavy sentences from the past and had we found you to be an individual on top of political issues with tolerance for the rule of law, we would have presented this statement to you in person and there would be no need for its publication on the internet.
4) The leaders of the Green movement have announced that they have formally applied for a permit for the demonstrations of the 22nd of Khordad (June 12th). We are hopefully that the ruling government will not repeat the mistakes of the past, dealing with this request both legally and humanely, as otherwise this will be become yet another piece of evidence recorded in history, of the despotism and tyranny of the ruling government.
5) We hereby unequivocally announce that during the demonstrations of the 22nd of Khordad we will refrain from using radical slogans that are against the law and will only demonstrate using reform seeking slogans that are within the framework of the constitution. As such, we ask that the security forces in Tabriz avoid creating chaos by stopping the demonstrations of the honorable people of Tabriz. We also ask that those who aim to wreak havoc such as plain clothes agents and motor cycle riding agents carrying batons and chains with the goal to beat people attending the demonstrations be dealt with decisively and within the framework of the law.
We are reformers who seek free political and civic activities within the framework of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran - a right that not only makes logical sense but has also been emphasized under the law.
Our rendezvous: 22nd of Khordad (12th June) 6:00pm at Shariati Square in Tabriz
Signed by a number of student and political activists in Tabriz
Source: TavaloeSabz - http://bit.ly/atUaJp
English translation by Negar Irani
Saturday 9th Khordad, 1389 (May 30th, 2010)
TahavoleSabz- A number of political and student activists in the city of Tabriz issued a statement on the occasion of the anniversary of the rigged, coup elections. As per TahavoleSabz, the complete content of this statement is as follows:
To Sardar Pasdar, Mr. Beigi, the Governor of Eastern Azarbaijan [Governor of the illegitimate government following the 9th],
On the eve of the 22nd of Khordad (June 12th) and the anniversary of the epic presence of the people at the voting booths, that lead to the appointment of an illegitimate government, referred to by the people as "the coup government", we would like to inform you and the noble people of Tabriz of the following:
1) We, a number of students and political activists in the city of Tabriz would like to request the presence of all the people ofTabriz, this 22nd of Khordad (June 12th) at 6:00pm at Shariati square, moving towards Saat Square. We will gather once again to honor and celebrate the martyrs of the rigged elections and with strong hopes for the release of all political prisoners, we will once again come to the scene to demonstrate our support for the leaders of the Green movement, Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi and Mr. Khatami.
2) In accordance to Article 27 of the Constitution that states freedom of assembly and the right to hold demonstrations in accordance to a free Islam, you the Governor and the person ultimately responsible for security of the province are also responsible for ensuring the security of any individuals attending the demonstrations in Tabriz. We therefore expect that with the proper understanding of the current political climate and with adherence to the Constitution and the guidelines defined by the late founder of the Islamic Republic, that you refrain from introducing yourself to society as the main deterrent against the people's movement.
3) The reason why this letter is being published on the internet is directly related to the current military atmosphere in the province. If there had not been such fear of illegal arrests, irresponsible and inhumane behavior, show trials and heavy sentences from the past and had we found you to be an individual on top of political issues with tolerance for the rule of law, we would have presented this statement to you in person and there would be no need for its publication on the internet.
4) The leaders of the Green movement have announced that they have formally applied for a permit for the demonstrations of the 22nd of Khordad (June 12th). We are hopefully that the ruling government will not repeat the mistakes of the past, dealing with this request both legally and humanely, as otherwise this will be become yet another piece of evidence recorded in history, of the despotism and tyranny of the ruling government.
5) We hereby unequivocally announce that during the demonstrations of the 22nd of Khordad we will refrain from using radical slogans that are against the law and will only demonstrate using reform seeking slogans that are within the framework of the constitution. As such, we ask that the security forces in Tabriz avoid creating chaos by stopping the demonstrations of the honorable people of Tabriz. We also ask that those who aim to wreak havoc such as plain clothes agents and motor cycle riding agents carrying batons and chains with the goal to beat people attending the demonstrations be dealt with decisively and within the framework of the law.
We are reformers who seek free political and civic activities within the framework of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran - a right that not only makes logical sense but has also been emphasized under the law.
Our rendezvous: 22nd of Khordad (12th June) 6:00pm at Shariati Square in Tabriz
Signed by a number of student and political activists in Tabriz
Source: TavaloeSabz - http://bit.ly/atUaJp
اطلاعیه سبز های تبریز بمناسبت فرارسیدن ۲۲ خرداد
۹ خرداد ۱۳۸۹
تحول سبز: جمعی از فعالین سیاسی و دانشجویی شهر تبریز به مناسبت فرا رسیدن سالگرد انتخابات مهندسی شده و کودتای انتخاباتی ، اطلاعیه ای را صادر نمودند.
به گزارش تحول سبز، متن کامل این اطلاعیه به شرح زیر میباشد:
سردار پاسدار جناب آقای بیگی، استاندار آذربایجان شرقی در دولت بعد از نهم
در آستانه فر رسیدن ۲۲ خرداد سالگرد حضور حماسی مردم در پای صندوقهای رای در انتخابات گذشته که منجر به روی کارآمدن دولتی نامشروع و به تعبیر مردم «دولت کودتا» گردید، ضروری است جهت اطلاع رسانی به مردم شریف تبریز و شخص جنابعالی نکاتی اعلام و یادآوری شود:
۱-ما بعنوان گروهی از فعالین سیاسی و دانشجویی تبریز از عموم مردم سبز شهرمان دعوت می نماییم در روز ۲۲ خرداد، ساعت ۱۸ در مسیر چهارراه شریعتی به سمت میدان ساعت حضور بهم رسانند و با گرامیداشت یاد شهدای پس از انتخابات و آرزوی آزادی برای زندانیان سیاسی، بار دیگر بر حمایت خود از رهبران جنبش سبز آقایان موسوی، کروبی و خاتمی صحه بگذارند.
۲-براساس اصل ۲۷ قانون اساسی که برگزاری تجمعات و راهپیمایی ها را منوط به عدم مخالفت با اسلام آزاد قلمداد می کند، شخص جنابعالی بعنوان استاندار و بالاترین مقام امنیتی استان موظف به تامین امنیت شرکت کنندگان در راهپیمایی مذکور می باشید. انتظار می رود با درکی صحیح از فضای سیاسی جامعه و پای بندی به قانون اساسی و رهنمودهای بنیانگذار فقید جمهوری اسلامی هرگز خود را بعنوان سدی در برابر حرکتهای مردمی به جامعه معرفی ننمایید.
۳-علت اینکه این نامه بصورت اینترنتی و در فضای مجازی انتشار می یابد، برمی گردد به رفتارها و واکنش های نیروهای امنیتی در استان که اگر چنین نبود و اگر بیم بازداشتهای غیرقانونی ، رفتارهای غیرمسئولانه و غیر انسانی و در نهایت دادگاه های نمایشی و احکام صادره از قبلش نبود و در این مدت شما را فردی صاحب نظر در مسایل سیاسی و دارای سعه صدر و قانونمدار می یافتیم حضورا نامه خود تقدیمتان می نمودیم و نیازی به انتشار اینترنتی آن وجود نداشت.
۴-با توجه به اینکه رهبران جنبش سبز رسما علام کرده اند بدنبال دریافت مجوز برای راهپیمایی در ۲۲ خرداد هستند، امیدواریم دولت مستقر اشتباهات گذشته را تکرار نکرده و با این درخواست بصورت قانونی و انسانی موافقت نماید که در غیر اینصورت سند دیگری بر استبداد و خودکامگی این دولتمردان در تاریخ ایران به ثبت خواهد رسید.
۵-ما به صراحت اعلام می کنیم که در راهپیمایی روز ۲۲ خرداد حرکات و شعارهای ساختارشکنانه و ضد قانون را تائید نکرده و تنها شعارهای اصلاح طلبانه و در چهارچوب قانون اساسی اکتفا خواهیم نمود و در این راستا انتظار داریم دستگاه های امنیتی-انتظامی آنگونه که در شان مردم شریف تبریز است از دخالت و ایجاد هرج و مرج در راهپیمایی پرهیز نموده و با عوامل آشوب طلبی که در قامت لباس شخصی ها و موتورسوارهای چماق و زنجیر بدست قصد برهم زدن راهپیمایی و تجمع مردم را داشته باشند، برخورد قاطع و قانونی بعمل آورند.
ما اصلاح طلبانی هستیم که در چهارچوب قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران بدنبال فعالیت آزاد سیاسی و مدنی هستیم. ما جنبش سبزی هستیم که نه براندازیم و نه اغتشاشگر! بلکه سیاسیونی هستیم که گفتن و اعتراض را حق خود می دانیم. حقی که قانون به آن تاکید کرده و عقل حکمش می کند.
وعده دیدار: روز ۲۲ خرداد، ساعت ۱۸ ، چهارراه شریعتی تبریز
و لله عاقبة الأمور
جمعی از فعالین سیاسی و دانشجویی سبز شهر تبریز
27 May 2010
Mehdi Karroubi: The pulse of the green movement is in the hands of the people
Mehdi Karroubi's recent interview with Jaras is a MUST READ for everyone who wants to understand Iran's Green movement. Karroubi answers a number of very direct questions and also adresses some misconceptions about the movement, including criticism by the Iranian diaspora that not enough is being done.
The English translation is provided by the Khordaad88-team.
Please go to SahamNews for the original farsi text.
Mir Hossein Mousavi , Mehdi Karroubi and Mosen Rezaie , the three candidates of June 2009 Iran presidential election were among many people who faced with irregularities in vote counting procedures and expulsion of their representative from polling stations objected to the official results announced by Ministry of Interior. Among them Mohen Rezayi withdrew his protest when Supreme Leader approved the election process and the results. However since last year Mr Karroubi and Mousavi have maintained their positions and have not recognized Ahmadinejad as the legitimate president of the country.
In the course of last year, positions and views of Mr Karroubi and Mousavi , the leading figures of Iran’s protest movement were only published through statements, speeches, meetings and interviews with reformist websites inside Iran and number of foreign journalists. For unknown reasons so far neither Mr Mousavi nor Mr karboui have had an interview with an Iranian media outside Iran.
A request for interview [with Jaras] has been submitted to all four candidates. So far Mr Karoubi who is well known for his audacity in face of questions asked by reporters has agreed to [our] request.
In this interview Mehdi Karroubi , former head of parliament and the chairman of Etemaad Melli party which has been shut down by security apparatus , responds to questions by Jaras regarding green movement in the year that has passed , its future prospects, the hope and worry that surrounds the movement and the criticisms raised regarding the movement’s method of leadership.
Jaras- Mr. Karroubi a year has passed since Khordaad [June] 2009, a month full of events and accidents. Khordaad has a historical significance in [Iranian calendar]. The epic 2nd of Khordaad [1] , courageous resistance on 3rd of Khordaad [2] , the movement of 15th of Khordaad [3] and finally the last year’s fraudulent elections which sparked a mass movement that became known as the green movement. Is there a logical relationship between these events?
Karroubi- [The events] of 15th Khordaad are a major turning point in Islamic Revolution and the founder of the revolution [Ayatollah Khomeini] has called it the starting point of the revolution. [For these reasons] this day will never be forgotten. Khordaad [June] is a month of incidents. But what is more important for us is that these incidents should be investigated. For example even the 9th presidential elections in 2005 should be examined. In the year of that election the reformers controlled the government and for reasons that I do not want to discuss now we lost all [political power] . The outcome was that this person [Ahmadinejad] came to power and his supporting factions took control of the country that has only resulted in difficult consequences and suffering for people and [our] country.
Jaras- You mention that since the 9th presidential election in 2005 where Ahmadinejad and Hashemi-Rafsanjani participated in a run-off , because of certain issues that occurred reformist lost all [political] power. But when I met with you for an interview last year before the election and asked you based on the assumption that the revolution eats its own children are you among those who have been eaten or among those who have eaten others, you replied with a smile:”I am neither one of those eaten nor will I [passively] watch it happen to one of the children of this revolution “. Do you still have the same opinion? Or back then despite the suspicious election in 2005 your were optimistic that the radical [hardliner] forces will retreat?
Karroubi- After the death of Imam Khomeini we expected that certain individuals [will attempt] to reduce our influence and isolate us. But we did not predict the current situation which is not only difficult for us but also for many other people in the country. Although we were and are prepared [for this situation] we are witnessing that the majority of people that belonged to the first generation of revolution are facing the same hardships as a result of having this man as the president and in charge of the country. We would have had no worries if this person was elected by people and carried legal and popular legitimacy.
Jaras-What were the mistakes you believe you committed in the past year and what have been the strengths and weaknesses of the movement?
Karroubi- I am quite satisfied with what I have done and said in the past year. If I have been radical in my conduct as they [hardliners] claim , it has only been in reaction to their own behaviors and conduct. I have never diverted from my revolutionary ideals and therefore I will not suffer from extremism or lack of action In this past year I only acted upon my duty to stand for the people’s rights – rights that had been trampled upon . I said in one of the presidential debates last year that I am ready for Jihad and I will pay any price. The night I decided to run for election I knew I am embarking on a long and winding road. But based on necessity and in order to keep political forces from scattering I had to participate in the election.
Jaras- How about others? You, Mousavi and Khatami have given individual statements and speeches. Can we look forward to joint statements from two or three people in the 2nd year of the movement?
Karroubi- I strongly believe that each individual should and will focus on their own activities. Individual efforts must be continued. At the same time, in areas where there is a need for joint statements, this should also be done. Of course I have made suggestions for joint statements for specific issues in the past, which unfortunately did not come to fruition and as such I had to act on my own.
Jaras – Under these circumstances, don’t you see the need for the formation of a core leadership team for the Green movement? What is you strategy for leadership of the movement?
Karroubi – First of all, this movement belongs to the people. The people are its leaders and as such it will move in the direction desired by the people. The pulse of the movement is in the hands of the people. In fact, if there were to be any leader other than the people, those opposing the movement would make sure that leadership is eliminated. When Mr. Mousavi and I formed a committee consisting of four individuals, Mr. Beheshti and Mr. Moghadam (nominated by Mr. Mousavi) and Mr. Aloviri and Mr. Amini (nominated by myself) in order to support those who had been attacked after the elections, three of these four individuals were arrested immediately and sent to jail. As such everything we had planned in this area came to a stand still. Under such circumstances, the only leader who can continue the path of this movement are the masses, in other words the nation of Iran.
Jaras – They have confiscated all newspapers critical of the government. Political parties have been closed. As the head of a political party in Iran, how do you see the future of this movement? How do you think the Green movement can show itself in a society that is under such heavy military and security presence?
Karroubi- The first part of this question is related to the previous question. These gentlemen had no tolerance for an office associated with a political party. They had no tolerance for newspapers associated with a political party. They did not tolerate anyone visiting me in my office. They did not even tolerate the existence of a few newspapers and magazine that in their own words was “not one of them”. The ruling government has become so afraid that they even get written commitments from people who visit me, stating that they will refrain from visiting me in the future. They don’t tolerate our presence in public gatherings and official meetings and go as far as hiring people to create disturbances and to physically attack us.
In response to the second part of your question I must reiterate that the fact that the movement has issued statements requesting that people attend every official event and commemoration is proof that we have not stopped fighting and that we continue with our path. The fact that the movement desires change means living and being present. On the other hand, we must not only stand behind what we say, but we must also act upon it and be willing to pay the necessary price to obtain our goals. The fact that we are witnessing extensive efforts on the part of the ruling government to prepare for a potential back lash on the anniversary of the Imman’s passing and that they did not allow certain anniversaries to take place illustrates that the Green movement is alive and well. It is for this reason that they banned me from attending a ceremony commemorating the martyrdom of Hazrat Zahra. A large security force with ample knives, batons, bricks, etc. had been mobilized in order to make my presence at the ceremony impossible. All these reactions and this type of behavior on their part is evidence that we are present and that the movement is persistent and will continue to prevail.
Jaras – How long is it necessary to publish statements rather than act in order to continue with your fight?
Karroubi – Our movement is a civic movement. Our movement is not violent and cannot be armed. In which of my statements have I said something and not acted upon it? Have I not attempted when ever possible to be present amongst the people? My children have been banned from leaving the country. They have attacked my house two times. They closed down my private office, my political party and the newspaper associated with my political party. They confiscated Irandokht the newsletter belonging to my wife’s institution. They intended to kill me in Qazvin. They attacked one of my children and severely wounded him in a detention center. They attacked both myself and my security personnel on numerous occasions during various demonstrations. Do you not view these all as actions? They have arrested everyone close to me. This ruling government needs to know that Mehdi karroubi is willing to pay any price for this movement.
Jaras- One of the demands that has been published in many of your statements is holding free and fair elections. Do you think there is any hope that elections will take place one day to form a government or the parliament that includes representation from various political parties? Fundamentally, do you think that “political parties” have a future in Iran? When I say political party I mean a party that has been elected by the people and has the power to govern.
Karroubi – We must focus on achieving this goal. Currently there are two obstacles facing our progress in this area. The first is the ruling government that apposes such a concept and the second the political parties that are not accustomed to organized activities and efforts. I have said repeatedly that they are either fighting political parties or evading them. In Iran it is very difficult to belong to and work within the framework of a party. It will require time for us to learn how to work within a party and how to deal with political parties.
Jaras – You have often been regarded as the person coining the term the “Regime’s Boat” in many Green publications. Others believe that you are the one who is leaving the “Regime’s Ship”. Where do you believe the regime’s boat or ship is headed?
Karroubi- This boat has not changed. It’s capacity has not changed. It is incapable of accommodating 75 million people. This boat is not capable of withstanding the slightest wind or storm. My hope is to transform this boat into a ship that has the capacity to carry the entire nation of Iran.
It is the same boat that can’t fit all seventy five million citizens of this country. This boat can not stand the weakest storms. We hope that this boat will soon be replaced by a ship that accommodate all Iranians.
Jaras- You have been jailed in the previous regime. Have the prison system and the judiciary honestly improved or regressed?
Karroubi- The problem with the previous regime was corruption. After the revolution, we have had fresh and new players on the scene. But because this system has turned into a small and exclusive boat with occupants who want the administration to solely serve their needs and play to their advantage; occupants who use force to actively keep people out. A tiny incapable minority have occupied all the leadership positions in the country and try to put pressure on people. The situation has worsened. In the old days, government supporters did not gather in front of revolutionary’s residences in order to exert pressure. The treatment Mr. Nourizad and other political prisoners have received are even worse. The current administration lacks public support and is using force to compensate for it unpopularity. For instance, the serial killing of political activists around a decade ago lead to brutal murder of the Forouhars. If we didn’t put an end to the killings, we would have lost more activists. So we must always oppose such extreme and violent actions. In Shah’s time, there was no republic. In the Islamic Republic, all are equal under the law, even the Supreme Leader. But now, some inexpert actions are taking place.
Jaras-You are stating that under the law, even the Supreme Leader is equal to everyone else. Then what exactly are the duties of the Council of Experts? Other than eulogy and flattery, does the council do much else to serve the country or fulfill its constitutional duties? Why was the Council silent when some members of the parliament who opposed the Supreme Leader were threatened and attacked by the plain-cloth militia?
Karroubi- During Imam Khomeini’s time, the Council of Experts had a well-defined mission and methodology. The first council included country’s top figures and the most senior clerks. That council appointed Ayatollah Khamenei as Imam Khomeini’s successor. A year after that, a short-sighted act changed the body that verified the eligibility of candidates for the Council, from the faculty members in Islamic scholarly institutes to the Gaurdian council whose members were selected by the Supreme Leader. A Guardian Council whose members were vetted by Mr. Janati et al. should surprise no one. The strongest principles of the constitution are written in section 108 which has turned into the weakest section of the constitution by such people. It is not the question of membership or times, but rather the true role of the institution. I have written a letter to Mr. Hashemi about the role of the Guardian Council a little while ago.
Jaras- In a sentence, tell us how you were feeling in night of these critical demonstrations:
Jaras- Mr. Karroubi! You visit families of many reputed prisoners, and sympathize with their families. For instance, you visited family of Mr. Jafar Panahi, Mohammad Nourizad, and other prisoners who are on hunger strike. What programs do you have in mind for many other prisoners like, Majid Tavakoli, or many other unknown students who are as well known?
Karroubi- Unfortunately the status of less well-known prisoners is very worrying. As I’ve said before, I had created a committee exactly to server this purpose; to follow up on the status of prisoners and inquire about their conditions. But even this was not tolerated, and the members of the committee were detained and imprisoned. I have talked to the family of Majid Tavakoli, the student activist. It is not right to imprison a student who voices his criticism. I have also talked through phone to families of prisoners from other towns. People do not deserve these behaviors [of imprisonment.] I am certain that the suffering that the families and specially the mothers of unknown prisoners endure makes them eligible for kindness [of others.]
Jaras- In your statements you have alluded to images and clips to prove the violence apparent in the reactions toward normal people; reactions that were result of people’s sense of responsibility and citizenship. These images, and thousand other pictures and films never made their way through the national media. These were works of normal citizens through cell phones that were distributed via weblogs and sites like Tweeter and Facebook. Have you seen those films? Are you aware of the protests movements in the virtual space against constrain that were created for you and for your bodyguard team. Youth have voluntarily campaigned and have written that they are ready to guard Mehdi Karoubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi themselves. I generally want to know your opinion on the movement that was created by citizen reporters to convey information from the violence on the streets to the symbolic sympathy sessions around the world.
Karroubi- Yes. I get very sad and embarrassed when such violent actions happen in the Islamic Republic, because even during the oppressive regime of the Shah such behavior was not common. I wrote countless times in letters and I issued warnings. Earlier we had also created films from those who have been tortured. Back then, I asked them not to talk to satisfy us, but to think of God in their minds, and know that there is a court room with God where nothing is hidden, where everyone is responsible for what they do. When I used to see their dark and beaten bodies, my heart would fill with sorrow that why should there be reactions like this to people who have merely protested to results of an election. We didn’t want to tweak documentations to prove our points. We were just recording what fact. Each film that was recorded had an original version and copy. We gave a version to authorities in charge of following up on the issue, and kept the copy, so that if they were later pressured to confess otherwise we would have recordings of what they’ve said. Our concerns were valid too; many of these people were put under pressure to deny what they’ve said. Some escaped the country as the result of the pressures, and the rest had to live lives without any security and so stopped following up.
And [what I have to say] about the troubles that they created for my bodyguards is that it is natural. When I heard that some of the youth has suggested that they would all protect me, I was joyous, but I never wanted to put others into trouble. Wherever I wanted to go, I would go with my children. I am however very thankful to the children of this land and the youth of this nation for their struggle to keep our country’s dignity. I pray that God brings them health and prosperity in life.
Jaras- My next question is about the protest movement created by the Iranians abroad. Do the leaders of the green movement have any plans to organize the forces inside and outside the country? Why not benefit from the great asset that is all the Iranians [whether inside or outside?]
Karroubi- The movement was created inside the country. Iranians abroad too followed this movement and supported it. The struggles that Iranians abroad made are great and we are very thankful for it. However they must look at the situation inside Iran. Here, I request all the Iranians abroad to pay attention to some of the details in creating their slogans and messages. Unfortunately, often times that the radicalization of movements outside the country only causes pressure to the forces inside the country. Unfortunately, the government too takes advantage of the situations to put more pressure to internal forces. Iranians abroad must act as the medium to convey the message of the Iranian people to the people of the world. I hope that the slogans inside and outside the country go towards a direction that would make the two messages coherent with each other. On the other side, we must be wary of agents that penetrate amongst us. These agents mix themselves among us and by radicalizing the slogans provide excuses for the forces and the government to start the clamp down. This movement is still nurturing, and hopefully the movement of people outside of Iran and the movement inside would eventually start to become coherent with another. We must notice however that this needs a lot of time.
Jaras- Some of the freedom seekers of the Green movement have been asking the following question since the Islamic Revolution of 1357[1979]: “Why from the beginning of the revolution did we witness a certain degree of personal self indulgence, and oppression recreated in the speeches given by the leaders of the revolution?” You exposed the crimes that occurred after the 10th elections and did not sacrifice the truth for the sake of expediency. Prior to that you were a voice against violations such as approbation supervision by the Guardian Council. All this oppression however, does not compare with what occurred in Iran in pursuing the goals of the revolution to turn Iran into a paradise of ideals. You will be asked about the first decade of the revolution. You will be asked about Imam Khomeini’s leadership and its surrounding issues. If you respond to these questions freely and fairly, some within the movement will be disappointed in you ( those who are still unable to break from idolizing an individual or engage in self criticism). If you refrain from speaking freely and seek the best course of action by depicting Imam Khomeini and the first decade of the revolution as impeccable, then you will disappoint another group within the Green movement (this group consists of two subgroups. The first group still bares a grudge against the past and sees nothing but darkness when viewing that period. They are perhaps even unable to accept that there is both good and bad associated with that era. The second group tries very hard to be fair, taking steps towards open mindedness and breaking from past prejudices.) To act as an intermediary under such challenging and difficult conditions is only possible with brave leaders. With this long introduction I would like to ask what is your assessment of the first decade of the revolution and the Imam Khomeni’s leadership? To what extent do you think that the root cause of today’s problems in Iran stem from the political beliefs of that era?
Karroubi- We need to examine the problems and see which ones belong to the past and which ones have appeared recently. The first decade after the revolution was characterized by resistance and sacrifice. I believe that the serious predicaments we face today appeared after the death of Imam Khomeini. Many examples can be recounted that demonstrate these deviations. For example while the meetings of the expediency Council were held in the older parliament building before, a year after the death of Imam Khomeini they were held in the offices of supreme leader. Or in one of the elections the guardian council disqualified large number of political and religious figures based on [its own interpretation of] approbation supervision [article in the constitution]. The revolution that was founded by Imam Khomeini has deviated from its course by others. After the death of Imam Khomeini the fraud started. In last year’s election, it is more accurate to call it appointment rather than election , votes were rationed among candidates and each candidate had a pre-determined number of votes . The issues surrounding this election should be investigated further.
Jaras- Many people criticize your way of thinking. What do you think is the common ground between you and a generation that seems to be widely different from yours in belief, taste and even appearance, yet has gathered side by side you in the green movement and even feels related to you as a clergyman?
Karroubi- Desiring freedom, obtaining citizen rights, [seeking] dignity and greatness of Iran
Jaras- Thank you for your time .
[1] The date of President Mohammad Khatami’s 1997 landslide election victory.
[2] Liberation of the port city of Khorramshahr, from 578 days of Ba’thist occupation during the Iran-Iraq war.
[3] Protest against arrest of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1963. The uprising marked a turning point in Iranian Revolution.
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The English translation is provided by the Khordaad88-team.
Please go to SahamNews for the original farsi text.
Mir Hossein Mousavi , Mehdi Karroubi and Mosen Rezaie , the three candidates of June 2009 Iran presidential election were among many people who faced with irregularities in vote counting procedures and expulsion of their representative from polling stations objected to the official results announced by Ministry of Interior. Among them Mohen Rezayi withdrew his protest when Supreme Leader approved the election process and the results. However since last year Mr Karroubi and Mousavi have maintained their positions and have not recognized Ahmadinejad as the legitimate president of the country.
In the course of last year, positions and views of Mr Karroubi and Mousavi , the leading figures of Iran’s protest movement were only published through statements, speeches, meetings and interviews with reformist websites inside Iran and number of foreign journalists. For unknown reasons so far neither Mr Mousavi nor Mr karboui have had an interview with an Iranian media outside Iran.
A request for interview [with Jaras] has been submitted to all four candidates. So far Mr Karoubi who is well known for his audacity in face of questions asked by reporters has agreed to [our] request.
In this interview Mehdi Karroubi , former head of parliament and the chairman of Etemaad Melli party which has been shut down by security apparatus , responds to questions by Jaras regarding green movement in the year that has passed , its future prospects, the hope and worry that surrounds the movement and the criticisms raised regarding the movement’s method of leadership.
Jaras- Mr. Karroubi a year has passed since Khordaad [June] 2009, a month full of events and accidents. Khordaad has a historical significance in [Iranian calendar]. The epic 2nd of Khordaad [1] , courageous resistance on 3rd of Khordaad [2] , the movement of 15th of Khordaad [3] and finally the last year’s fraudulent elections which sparked a mass movement that became known as the green movement. Is there a logical relationship between these events?
Karroubi- [The events] of 15th Khordaad are a major turning point in Islamic Revolution and the founder of the revolution [Ayatollah Khomeini] has called it the starting point of the revolution. [For these reasons] this day will never be forgotten. Khordaad [June] is a month of incidents. But what is more important for us is that these incidents should be investigated. For example even the 9th presidential elections in 2005 should be examined. In the year of that election the reformers controlled the government and for reasons that I do not want to discuss now we lost all [political power] . The outcome was that this person [Ahmadinejad] came to power and his supporting factions took control of the country that has only resulted in difficult consequences and suffering for people and [our] country.
Jaras- You mention that since the 9th presidential election in 2005 where Ahmadinejad and Hashemi-Rafsanjani participated in a run-off , because of certain issues that occurred reformist lost all [political] power. But when I met with you for an interview last year before the election and asked you based on the assumption that the revolution eats its own children are you among those who have been eaten or among those who have eaten others, you replied with a smile:”I am neither one of those eaten nor will I [passively] watch it happen to one of the children of this revolution “. Do you still have the same opinion? Or back then despite the suspicious election in 2005 your were optimistic that the radical [hardliner] forces will retreat?
Karroubi- After the death of Imam Khomeini we expected that certain individuals [will attempt] to reduce our influence and isolate us. But we did not predict the current situation which is not only difficult for us but also for many other people in the country. Although we were and are prepared [for this situation] we are witnessing that the majority of people that belonged to the first generation of revolution are facing the same hardships as a result of having this man as the president and in charge of the country. We would have had no worries if this person was elected by people and carried legal and popular legitimacy.
Jaras-What were the mistakes you believe you committed in the past year and what have been the strengths and weaknesses of the movement?
Karroubi- I am quite satisfied with what I have done and said in the past year. If I have been radical in my conduct as they [hardliners] claim , it has only been in reaction to their own behaviors and conduct. I have never diverted from my revolutionary ideals and therefore I will not suffer from extremism or lack of action In this past year I only acted upon my duty to stand for the people’s rights – rights that had been trampled upon . I said in one of the presidential debates last year that I am ready for Jihad and I will pay any price. The night I decided to run for election I knew I am embarking on a long and winding road. But based on necessity and in order to keep political forces from scattering I had to participate in the election.
Jaras- How about others? You, Mousavi and Khatami have given individual statements and speeches. Can we look forward to joint statements from two or three people in the 2nd year of the movement?
Karroubi- I strongly believe that each individual should and will focus on their own activities. Individual efforts must be continued. At the same time, in areas where there is a need for joint statements, this should also be done. Of course I have made suggestions for joint statements for specific issues in the past, which unfortunately did not come to fruition and as such I had to act on my own.
Jaras – Under these circumstances, don’t you see the need for the formation of a core leadership team for the Green movement? What is you strategy for leadership of the movement?
Karroubi – First of all, this movement belongs to the people. The people are its leaders and as such it will move in the direction desired by the people. The pulse of the movement is in the hands of the people. In fact, if there were to be any leader other than the people, those opposing the movement would make sure that leadership is eliminated. When Mr. Mousavi and I formed a committee consisting of four individuals, Mr. Beheshti and Mr. Moghadam (nominated by Mr. Mousavi) and Mr. Aloviri and Mr. Amini (nominated by myself) in order to support those who had been attacked after the elections, three of these four individuals were arrested immediately and sent to jail. As such everything we had planned in this area came to a stand still. Under such circumstances, the only leader who can continue the path of this movement are the masses, in other words the nation of Iran.
Jaras – They have confiscated all newspapers critical of the government. Political parties have been closed. As the head of a political party in Iran, how do you see the future of this movement? How do you think the Green movement can show itself in a society that is under such heavy military and security presence?
Karroubi- The first part of this question is related to the previous question. These gentlemen had no tolerance for an office associated with a political party. They had no tolerance for newspapers associated with a political party. They did not tolerate anyone visiting me in my office. They did not even tolerate the existence of a few newspapers and magazine that in their own words was “not one of them”. The ruling government has become so afraid that they even get written commitments from people who visit me, stating that they will refrain from visiting me in the future. They don’t tolerate our presence in public gatherings and official meetings and go as far as hiring people to create disturbances and to physically attack us.
In response to the second part of your question I must reiterate that the fact that the movement has issued statements requesting that people attend every official event and commemoration is proof that we have not stopped fighting and that we continue with our path. The fact that the movement desires change means living and being present. On the other hand, we must not only stand behind what we say, but we must also act upon it and be willing to pay the necessary price to obtain our goals. The fact that we are witnessing extensive efforts on the part of the ruling government to prepare for a potential back lash on the anniversary of the Imman’s passing and that they did not allow certain anniversaries to take place illustrates that the Green movement is alive and well. It is for this reason that they banned me from attending a ceremony commemorating the martyrdom of Hazrat Zahra. A large security force with ample knives, batons, bricks, etc. had been mobilized in order to make my presence at the ceremony impossible. All these reactions and this type of behavior on their part is evidence that we are present and that the movement is persistent and will continue to prevail.
Jaras – How long is it necessary to publish statements rather than act in order to continue with your fight?
Karroubi – Our movement is a civic movement. Our movement is not violent and cannot be armed. In which of my statements have I said something and not acted upon it? Have I not attempted when ever possible to be present amongst the people? My children have been banned from leaving the country. They have attacked my house two times. They closed down my private office, my political party and the newspaper associated with my political party. They confiscated Irandokht the newsletter belonging to my wife’s institution. They intended to kill me in Qazvin. They attacked one of my children and severely wounded him in a detention center. They attacked both myself and my security personnel on numerous occasions during various demonstrations. Do you not view these all as actions? They have arrested everyone close to me. This ruling government needs to know that Mehdi karroubi is willing to pay any price for this movement.
Jaras- One of the demands that has been published in many of your statements is holding free and fair elections. Do you think there is any hope that elections will take place one day to form a government or the parliament that includes representation from various political parties? Fundamentally, do you think that “political parties” have a future in Iran? When I say political party I mean a party that has been elected by the people and has the power to govern.
Karroubi – We must focus on achieving this goal. Currently there are two obstacles facing our progress in this area. The first is the ruling government that apposes such a concept and the second the political parties that are not accustomed to organized activities and efforts. I have said repeatedly that they are either fighting political parties or evading them. In Iran it is very difficult to belong to and work within the framework of a party. It will require time for us to learn how to work within a party and how to deal with political parties.
Jaras – You have often been regarded as the person coining the term the “Regime’s Boat” in many Green publications. Others believe that you are the one who is leaving the “Regime’s Ship”. Where do you believe the regime’s boat or ship is headed?
Karroubi- This boat has not changed. It’s capacity has not changed. It is incapable of accommodating 75 million people. This boat is not capable of withstanding the slightest wind or storm. My hope is to transform this boat into a ship that has the capacity to carry the entire nation of Iran.
It is the same boat that can’t fit all seventy five million citizens of this country. This boat can not stand the weakest storms. We hope that this boat will soon be replaced by a ship that accommodate all Iranians.
Jaras- You have been jailed in the previous regime. Have the prison system and the judiciary honestly improved or regressed?
Karroubi- The problem with the previous regime was corruption. After the revolution, we have had fresh and new players on the scene. But because this system has turned into a small and exclusive boat with occupants who want the administration to solely serve their needs and play to their advantage; occupants who use force to actively keep people out. A tiny incapable minority have occupied all the leadership positions in the country and try to put pressure on people. The situation has worsened. In the old days, government supporters did not gather in front of revolutionary’s residences in order to exert pressure. The treatment Mr. Nourizad and other political prisoners have received are even worse. The current administration lacks public support and is using force to compensate for it unpopularity. For instance, the serial killing of political activists around a decade ago lead to brutal murder of the Forouhars. If we didn’t put an end to the killings, we would have lost more activists. So we must always oppose such extreme and violent actions. In Shah’s time, there was no republic. In the Islamic Republic, all are equal under the law, even the Supreme Leader. But now, some inexpert actions are taking place.
Jaras-You are stating that under the law, even the Supreme Leader is equal to everyone else. Then what exactly are the duties of the Council of Experts? Other than eulogy and flattery, does the council do much else to serve the country or fulfill its constitutional duties? Why was the Council silent when some members of the parliament who opposed the Supreme Leader were threatened and attacked by the plain-cloth militia?
Karroubi- During Imam Khomeini’s time, the Council of Experts had a well-defined mission and methodology. The first council included country’s top figures and the most senior clerks. That council appointed Ayatollah Khamenei as Imam Khomeini’s successor. A year after that, a short-sighted act changed the body that verified the eligibility of candidates for the Council, from the faculty members in Islamic scholarly institutes to the Gaurdian council whose members were selected by the Supreme Leader. A Guardian Council whose members were vetted by Mr. Janati et al. should surprise no one. The strongest principles of the constitution are written in section 108 which has turned into the weakest section of the constitution by such people. It is not the question of membership or times, but rather the true role of the institution. I have written a letter to Mr. Hashemi about the role of the Guardian Council a little while ago.
Jaras- In a sentence, tell us how you were feeling in night of these critical demonstrations:
Karroubi-
25th of Khordaad: I was happy to see the wave of people and the extraordinary showing of people. But at night, when I heard that some had lost their lives in the demonstration, I became very sad and couldn’t believe that such things would happen in the Islamic Republic
30th of Khordaad: I was extremely upset by the killings.
Ghords Day: I was happy to see the great showing of people in the demonstrations.
13th of Aban: I went to the demonstrations that day but we were stopped and then attached by pepper spray. One of my body guards was injured from the things they threw out way. When I returned home and learned that a number of people were killed and arrested, I couldn’t believe it.
Ashoora: I had been worried since the morning. I was in a religious ceremony and away from the streets but in the ceremony I heard that they had pushed down a person from a bridge and that a police car had driven over some people. I was extremely sad. Every news that came my way added to my sorrow. I should add that all this was happening on a religious holiday, making it very painful for me. We were all supposed to mourn Imam Houssain’s death and honour this holy day and yet they were killing people in the streets.
Day of the Anniversary of the Islamic Revolutions: That day I prepared myself for anything. There was serious ambush as I joined the crowds. They sprayed pepper gas on me. For hours, I couldn’t even open my eyes. I had problems breathing and with my vision. When I got back home, I heard that there has been a clash and some have been arrested. I was also told that my son, Ali, has been among the detainees. What happened was very sad. When Ali was freed, and I got to know what [tortures] has happened to him in prison, I was struck with sorrow. I couldn’t believe that they react with such violence to the children of this land.
25th of Khordaad: I was happy to see the wave of people and the extraordinary showing of people. But at night, when I heard that some had lost their lives in the demonstration, I became very sad and couldn’t believe that such things would happen in the Islamic Republic
30th of Khordaad: I was extremely upset by the killings.
Ghords Day: I was happy to see the great showing of people in the demonstrations.
13th of Aban: I went to the demonstrations that day but we were stopped and then attached by pepper spray. One of my body guards was injured from the things they threw out way. When I returned home and learned that a number of people were killed and arrested, I couldn’t believe it.
Ashoora: I had been worried since the morning. I was in a religious ceremony and away from the streets but in the ceremony I heard that they had pushed down a person from a bridge and that a police car had driven over some people. I was extremely sad. Every news that came my way added to my sorrow. I should add that all this was happening on a religious holiday, making it very painful for me. We were all supposed to mourn Imam Houssain’s death and honour this holy day and yet they were killing people in the streets.
Day of the Anniversary of the Islamic Revolutions: That day I prepared myself for anything. There was serious ambush as I joined the crowds. They sprayed pepper gas on me. For hours, I couldn’t even open my eyes. I had problems breathing and with my vision. When I got back home, I heard that there has been a clash and some have been arrested. I was also told that my son, Ali, has been among the detainees. What happened was very sad. When Ali was freed, and I got to know what [tortures] has happened to him in prison, I was struck with sorrow. I couldn’t believe that they react with such violence to the children of this land.
Jaras- Mr. Karroubi! You visit families of many reputed prisoners, and sympathize with their families. For instance, you visited family of Mr. Jafar Panahi, Mohammad Nourizad, and other prisoners who are on hunger strike. What programs do you have in mind for many other prisoners like, Majid Tavakoli, or many other unknown students who are as well known?
Karroubi- Unfortunately the status of less well-known prisoners is very worrying. As I’ve said before, I had created a committee exactly to server this purpose; to follow up on the status of prisoners and inquire about their conditions. But even this was not tolerated, and the members of the committee were detained and imprisoned. I have talked to the family of Majid Tavakoli, the student activist. It is not right to imprison a student who voices his criticism. I have also talked through phone to families of prisoners from other towns. People do not deserve these behaviors [of imprisonment.] I am certain that the suffering that the families and specially the mothers of unknown prisoners endure makes them eligible for kindness [of others.]
Jaras- In your statements you have alluded to images and clips to prove the violence apparent in the reactions toward normal people; reactions that were result of people’s sense of responsibility and citizenship. These images, and thousand other pictures and films never made their way through the national media. These were works of normal citizens through cell phones that were distributed via weblogs and sites like Tweeter and Facebook. Have you seen those films? Are you aware of the protests movements in the virtual space against constrain that were created for you and for your bodyguard team. Youth have voluntarily campaigned and have written that they are ready to guard Mehdi Karoubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi themselves. I generally want to know your opinion on the movement that was created by citizen reporters to convey information from the violence on the streets to the symbolic sympathy sessions around the world.
Karroubi- Yes. I get very sad and embarrassed when such violent actions happen in the Islamic Republic, because even during the oppressive regime of the Shah such behavior was not common. I wrote countless times in letters and I issued warnings. Earlier we had also created films from those who have been tortured. Back then, I asked them not to talk to satisfy us, but to think of God in their minds, and know that there is a court room with God where nothing is hidden, where everyone is responsible for what they do. When I used to see their dark and beaten bodies, my heart would fill with sorrow that why should there be reactions like this to people who have merely protested to results of an election. We didn’t want to tweak documentations to prove our points. We were just recording what fact. Each film that was recorded had an original version and copy. We gave a version to authorities in charge of following up on the issue, and kept the copy, so that if they were later pressured to confess otherwise we would have recordings of what they’ve said. Our concerns were valid too; many of these people were put under pressure to deny what they’ve said. Some escaped the country as the result of the pressures, and the rest had to live lives without any security and so stopped following up.
And [what I have to say] about the troubles that they created for my bodyguards is that it is natural. When I heard that some of the youth has suggested that they would all protect me, I was joyous, but I never wanted to put others into trouble. Wherever I wanted to go, I would go with my children. I am however very thankful to the children of this land and the youth of this nation for their struggle to keep our country’s dignity. I pray that God brings them health and prosperity in life.
Jaras- My next question is about the protest movement created by the Iranians abroad. Do the leaders of the green movement have any plans to organize the forces inside and outside the country? Why not benefit from the great asset that is all the Iranians [whether inside or outside?]
Karroubi- The movement was created inside the country. Iranians abroad too followed this movement and supported it. The struggles that Iranians abroad made are great and we are very thankful for it. However they must look at the situation inside Iran. Here, I request all the Iranians abroad to pay attention to some of the details in creating their slogans and messages. Unfortunately, often times that the radicalization of movements outside the country only causes pressure to the forces inside the country. Unfortunately, the government too takes advantage of the situations to put more pressure to internal forces. Iranians abroad must act as the medium to convey the message of the Iranian people to the people of the world. I hope that the slogans inside and outside the country go towards a direction that would make the two messages coherent with each other. On the other side, we must be wary of agents that penetrate amongst us. These agents mix themselves among us and by radicalizing the slogans provide excuses for the forces and the government to start the clamp down. This movement is still nurturing, and hopefully the movement of people outside of Iran and the movement inside would eventually start to become coherent with another. We must notice however that this needs a lot of time.
Jaras- Some of the freedom seekers of the Green movement have been asking the following question since the Islamic Revolution of 1357[1979]: “Why from the beginning of the revolution did we witness a certain degree of personal self indulgence, and oppression recreated in the speeches given by the leaders of the revolution?” You exposed the crimes that occurred after the 10th elections and did not sacrifice the truth for the sake of expediency. Prior to that you were a voice against violations such as approbation supervision by the Guardian Council. All this oppression however, does not compare with what occurred in Iran in pursuing the goals of the revolution to turn Iran into a paradise of ideals. You will be asked about the first decade of the revolution. You will be asked about Imam Khomeini’s leadership and its surrounding issues. If you respond to these questions freely and fairly, some within the movement will be disappointed in you ( those who are still unable to break from idolizing an individual or engage in self criticism). If you refrain from speaking freely and seek the best course of action by depicting Imam Khomeini and the first decade of the revolution as impeccable, then you will disappoint another group within the Green movement (this group consists of two subgroups. The first group still bares a grudge against the past and sees nothing but darkness when viewing that period. They are perhaps even unable to accept that there is both good and bad associated with that era. The second group tries very hard to be fair, taking steps towards open mindedness and breaking from past prejudices.) To act as an intermediary under such challenging and difficult conditions is only possible with brave leaders. With this long introduction I would like to ask what is your assessment of the first decade of the revolution and the Imam Khomeni’s leadership? To what extent do you think that the root cause of today’s problems in Iran stem from the political beliefs of that era?
Karroubi- We need to examine the problems and see which ones belong to the past and which ones have appeared recently. The first decade after the revolution was characterized by resistance and sacrifice. I believe that the serious predicaments we face today appeared after the death of Imam Khomeini. Many examples can be recounted that demonstrate these deviations. For example while the meetings of the expediency Council were held in the older parliament building before, a year after the death of Imam Khomeini they were held in the offices of supreme leader. Or in one of the elections the guardian council disqualified large number of political and religious figures based on [its own interpretation of] approbation supervision [article in the constitution]. The revolution that was founded by Imam Khomeini has deviated from its course by others. After the death of Imam Khomeini the fraud started. In last year’s election, it is more accurate to call it appointment rather than election , votes were rationed among candidates and each candidate had a pre-determined number of votes . The issues surrounding this election should be investigated further.
Jaras- Many people criticize your way of thinking. What do you think is the common ground between you and a generation that seems to be widely different from yours in belief, taste and even appearance, yet has gathered side by side you in the green movement and even feels related to you as a clergyman?
Karroubi- Desiring freedom, obtaining citizen rights, [seeking] dignity and greatness of Iran
Jaras- Thank you for your time .
[1] The date of President Mohammad Khatami’s 1997 landslide election victory.
[2] Liberation of the port city of Khorramshahr, from 578 days of Ba’thist occupation during the Iran-Iraq war.
[3] Protest against arrest of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1963. The uprising marked a turning point in Iranian Revolution.
YOU ARE THE MEDIA!
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